I was very anxious to have an interview with you, this morning, but could not. It is very important that I should see you to day, for a few minutes, on a matter connected with the operations of the Colonization Society.

I am sorry to trouble you in this way, but I will be under lasting obligations for the favor of a few words.

I have received your letter of the 22nd of February, requesting leave of absence, for a short period in order to enable you to visit the United States. Upon conferring with Mr Buchanan I had determined to accede to your wishes, and would have done so, but for the sudden revolution which has occurred in France. That great event, renders, it highly necessary, if not indispensible, that all our diplomatic representatives in Europe, should remain at their posts, that they should vigilenty watch, its effects upon the Governments to which they are respectively accredited, their policy in reference to it, and that they should keep their own Government regularly & minutely informed, of whatever may transpire. For these reasons I have felt constraind to decline accepting a request made by Mr Ingersoll to be recalled from St. Petersberg.1

The news of the sudden overthrow of the French Monarchy, and the establishment of a Provisional Government, based on Republican principles, in its stead, has been received with general joy, throughout our country. The National Intelligencer and a few Federal leadeers, true to their instinctive hatred of free principles constitute the exception to the general rule. On tomorrow I will send a Message to Congress, communicating a despatch recived from Mr Rush ,2

I have postponed writing this hasty note, until I have but a few minutes left, in order to be in time for the mail by the next steamer. With the kinds regards of Mrs. Polk and myself to Mrs. Donelson : . . . .

In pursuance of the recommendation contained in my last annual messag[e]1

I will send a message to Congress on tomorrow, transmitting Mr Rush 's despatch,2

Your despatch giving official information of the sudden overthrown of the French Monarchy, and the establishment of a Provisional Government, based on Republican principles in its stead, was received at the Department of State two days ago. You will learn by a despatch which you will receive from the Secretary of State, by the Steamer which will convey to you this letter, that it has given me pleasure to approve your prompt recognition of the new Government. On tomorrow I will send a message to Congress, communicating a copy of your despatch, and expressing my unqualified approval of your conduct. Your position, upon the sudden emergency which occurred, was delicate and highly responsible. You met the occasion as became the Representative of the greatest Republic on earth. It affords me great pleasure, to express to you these sentiments. The news of the revolution in France, and the establishment of free Government, has been received with general joy, throughout our countrey. The National Intelligencer & a few Federal leaders, true to their instinctive hatred of liberal principles, constitute the exceptions to the general rule.

You will learn that I have appointed Dr. Martin , your Secretary of Legation, to be charge' d' affaires to the Papal States. It is desireable that he should proceed to Rome, and enter on the duties of his mission, with as little delay as may be consistent, with his convenience, and the necessary arrangements, which he have to make. His appointment, leaves a vacancy in the office of Secretary of Legation, and I request that you will inform me, whom you may desire to have appointed. It is usual to consult the minister in regard to his Secretary of legation, and to accord to his wishes in the selection.

I have postponed writing this hasty note, until I have but a few minutes left, in order to be in time for the mail by the next Steamer

I am aware that much of your time is occupied, and shall be brief in my remarks, hoping the importance of the case, will excuse this liberty. A copy of the memorial passed by the Legislature, at its last session, together with papers containing the account of the massacre of Dr. Whitman, and others, at Waülatper by the Cayuse Indians, were forwarded to Congress by Mr. J. Meek. I also forwarded duplicates via California, as Mr. Meek left Walla Walla on the 4th ult. he will no doubt reach you in May. I send with this a file of the Spectator, and an Extra issued to-day, together with a Copy of my last Proclamation1

Sometime since Commissioners were sent up to treat with the different tribes, and endeavour to detach them from the Cayuse; they effected a great deal; the Walla Walla's, Nez Perce's, and other tribes, accepted presents and declared they would remain friendly with the whites. Still there are a great many that will unite with the murderers, all the restless and turbulent spirits among the different tribes, those that were guilty of robbing the immigrants last fall, many who look with a jealous eye on the inroads of the white man, So that it is to be feared a large party will take the field against us. Our settlers are scattered through the different vallies, many of them isolated and lying in such a position, that they could be swept off in a night, and the Indians be in the mountains out of reach next morning. Our policy is the keep the Indians busy in protecting their families and stock in their own Country, and by this means keep them out of the valley and we hope we shall succeed, but we have no money, no munitions of War, our patriotic Volunteers are destitute of clothing, tents and provisions even while in the field, still they are in good spirits and determined to fight to the last. Our powder we gather up by half pounds, pounds and parcels as the settlers have brought more or less in for their own use. This will soon be gone. I have written to Genl. Mason of California for a supply of powder and lead, which I hope will come by the first opportunity. I have also written to Commodore Shubrick to send us a sloop of war to be in our river, to shew the Indians that we have force that can be brought into this Country if necessary.

Fear and fear only rules and controls Indians-knowing this, they have been informed that we expected a Man of War here this summer, and that as soon as our Great Chief heard, that his people had been murdered, he would send his War Chief here, to punish the murderers—should this pass off, and we receive no visit, from our Men of War, and no troops be sent into this Territory, our situation will not be an enviable one. The Indians will say, all this has been said to frighten us, see, their War Ships have not come, their soldiers have not come, they have none, do not let us be afraid any longer. Probably a large Immigration will be on their way to this Territory this summer. I hope that troops will accompany them, for the Indians are well aware of their route and the time of their coming and if not protected they will very likely go on to meet them and rob, plunder, and murder all parties not strong enough to resist them. They robbed them last year, and they will I fear proceed farther this year. I hope sincerely that whether Congress passes a Bill extending the jurisdiction of the United States over us or not, that at least One Regt. of Dragoons will be sent into Oregon to protect us from the Indians, and protect immigrants on their way hither. Col. Gillian as you will perceive by the extra accompanying this, was accidentally shot on his way from Waülatper to the Dalles; the Col. was a brave man and his loss is much regretted. He was appointed by your Excellency to the office of “Agent of the Post office Department.” Nothing was ever effected in that department. An advertisement was put in the paper offering to let Contracts, but as the Contractor was only to get his pay out of the proceeds of the office, and even that could not be guaranteed to him for four years, no one would enter into a Contract to carry the Mail. Consequently no mail has been started in the Territory under the Authority of the United States.

Feeling confident that you will aid us in our difficulties, I have placed before you briefly our situation, merely stating in conclusion, we have told the Indians in order to prevent their uniting against us, that troops and vessels of War would soon be here.

The Hon. Robt. W. Johnson , the Representative in Congress from Arkansas, has submitted to me a letter addressed by you to him, on the 20th of February last, in which you inform him that Dewitt Clinton Yell , the son of my old friend Col. Yell , had decided to decline accepting the appointment of Cadet at West Point. So great was my regard for the father, and so great is my anxiety for the w[e]lfare1

I feel assured, that you will favorably regard the liberty I take, in making this application, (not for office) to you, without the ceremony of a personal introduction. I am deputed by an Institution chartered by the Legislature of this State to visit Europe, in order to obtain aid to enable it to erect suitable buildings and to procure philosophical apparatus. In order to facilitate operations there, it has been deemed advisable, that I should obtain from Your Excellency, letters of introduction to our Ambassadors in London and Paris. In conformity, therefore, with this view, I respectfully solicit from you letters to these gentlemen, inviting them to accord to my mission such facilities as they may think expedient to grant.

That you may have some knowledge of the person you introduce, I present to you the following testimony from a letter of introduction from Mr. M. M. Nosh to the Chief Rabbi of the Israelites in London; also the accompanying phrenograph.1

“Revd. & Dr Sir,

Permit me to introduce to your friendly notice the bearer of this letter, Doctor John Thomas, President of the Scientific and Eclectic Medical Institute of Virginia, who visits England on Professional Business.

Dr. Thomas is also Editor of a paper entitled ‘The Herald of the Future Age,’ and is one of the most ardent friends of the Jewish Nation, & a firm believer in the literal predictions of the Prophets in relation to our people.

Independent of his excellent character, he is learned in the law, & possesses a deep & philosophical, as well as searching mind. He expressed a great desire to be known to you & I could not forego the pleasure of making you acquainted with him as an intelligent American and a liberal citizen.

With my best wishes for the continued success of your labors, which we all highly value in the New World, believe me, . . . .

M. M. Nosh”

As I wish to set out in about three weeks, a response to this as early as possible will confer a favor on, Sir, . . . .

I beg leave to apprize your Excellency that I have, this moment, been informed by some friends at Washington that you had not, up to the 5th Inst, been made acquainted by me of my acceptance of the mission to Ecuador.

Under these circumstances, I avail myself of the present occasion of saying that I had the honor of addressing you on friday last by mail expressing my acceptance of this mission.1

Fearing, moreover, that my letter has miscarried, I hereby renew the expression of my acceptance of the same.

The Executive Committee of the Democratic Association intend celebrating the glorious events that have so lately occurred in France by a public meeting and a torch light procession on Wednesday afternoon at 5 pm and I have been instructed to invite your Excellency to be present on that occasion and unite with your fellow citizens in resolutions becoming the independent citizens of our revered Republic.

I did myself the pleasure of calling last evening & this morning to bid you good bye; but not finding any person about I now do this in writing. I shall not be gone more than a week or ten days. If any necessity should exist for my presence sooner you can direct me to be telegraphed at Lancaster where I shall go first or Chambersburg.

In pursuance of a Joint Resolution of Congress, entitled “A Joint Resolution presenting the thanks of Congress to Major General Taylor, his officers and men,” approved July 16th 1846, I present to you herewith, through Major Bliss of the United States army, “in the name of the Republic, as a tribute due to your good conduct, valour and generosity to the vanquished,” a medal of gold, “with appropriate devices and inscriptions thereon.”

In conformity with the understanding of this day I have the honor submit the following statement and opinion in relation to the claim of Brig. Genl. Twiggs for a brevet on account of services in the battle of “Monterey.”

On the 21st of Sept. being the first day of active operations against the Town of Monterey, I was with the party who carried the first fort taken, and on passing through the fort in pursuit of the retreating enemy, I saw Genl. D. E. Twiggs in a position of great personal exposure and heard him cheering our men to active pursuit. My orders and duties soon sumoned me to another part of the field and I did not again see Genl. Twiggs during the day. For the estimate placed upon his services by the Comdg. Genl. I refer to the commendation bestowed on Genl. Twiggs in the official report of the investment and reduction of Monterey.

On the morning of the 21st Sept 1846, when the Troops were marched against the east end of Monterey, the purpose was not understood to be an attack, but only to make such demonstration as would enable Genl. Worth’s command to pass round to the position selected for it at the West end of the Town. Upon such assurance Genl. Twiggs who was quite ill turned over his command to the second officer (Col. Garland) and as I was informed at the time retired by advice of Genl. Taylor to his tent, but fearing that an attack might be made or combat otherwise occur he returned to the field and went direct to the point on which his division had marched. He found the volunteers storming the Fort, and I found him close behind the retreating enemy. It has been stated that Genl. Twiggs was not with his division and therefore not entitled to a brevet, to which I answer, he went to the place against which his division had been marched but before he arrived that division had been withdrawn from the attack and was in fractions, in and on houses, behind fences, and in the corn; the Volunteers who had been brought forward to sustain the attack on the first fort, renewed the assault and carried it by storm. Immediately after passing through the fort thus taken I saw Genl. Twiggs and he was the only Genl. officer I did see with the advance of the assailants.

In conclusion I will say that according to the principle upon which other brevets were granted I consider it just and due to Genl. Twiggs that he should be breveted, for services at Monterey on the first day of the attack, and that Genl. Taylor’s report is sufficient warrant for such brevet.

The Hon. Edmund Burke has delivered to me, the copy of Webster’s Dictionary, which you have done me the honour to present to me. It is the great work of an American citizen, accomplished after a life of indefatigable study and labour, and merits the public favour.

I transmit to you herewith a copy of A Joint Resolution passed by the two Houses of Congress, “tendering the congratulations of the American to the French people, upon the success of their recent efforts to consolidate the principles of liberty in a Republican form of Government.”1

I transmit to you also, a copy of a message on the same subject, which I communicated to Congress on the 3rd Instant.2

These expressions of congratulation and of sympathy, on the part of the Legislative and Executive Departments of the Government, but reflect the general sentiment and feeling of their constituents. The people of the United States can never receive with indifference, the progress of civil liberty in any portion of the world; but they witness its advances with peculiar interest, in the Nation which must ever be associated in their memories with the struggles and the triumphs of their own Revolution. The great principles of popular sovereignty which were proclaimed in 1776, by the immortal author of our Declaration of Independence, seem now to be in the course of rapid developement throughout the world. It was especially fit, that they should receive their noblest illustration abroad, among the countrymen of La Fayette. The sudden achievement of their freedom, which has been recently accomplished by the French people, is no less remarkable for the spirit of order, by which it has been attended, than it is, for the magnitude of the results to which it has led. In the further pursuit of the great objects in view, it is hoped that the people and Government of France, may preserve the same law of social order, and the same regard for the public peace, which now distinguish them; that they may be spared the necessity of wars with neighbouring nations, so uncongenial with Republican Government; that they may successfully restrain all tendencies to anarchy and bloodshed within their own borders, and that they may, by thus adding strength to their new institutions, increase their claims to the admiration of mankind.

The United States extend to France, their warm congratulations and their ardent sympathy, and rejoice to anticipate for their ancient ally, under the benign sway of enlightened freedom, a long career of peace, prosperity and happiness.

Having an opportunity by the British Courier to send a letter safely to our despatch agent in London, who will forward it to the United States, I avail myself of the occasion to communicate with you on a subject that may not be new, but concerning which, any information from a reliable source cannot but be of interest. I allude to the condition of Cuba. I have lately had a conversation with a very intelligent officer of Engineers in the Russian service, who returned early in the winter from America where he had been making a tour, taking Cuba, on his return route. His position & intelligence are such as would secure to him access to the most respectable and influential circles in that island, and his cool judgment and well balanced intellect are the surest guarantees that he does not over-state what he observed, or over-rate its importance. He informs me that the feeling was universal among those with whom he mixed, to separate from the Mother country, and put that fine island to use his own expression “under the protection of the United States.” What was meant by “under the protection” of our country, whether after maintaining a separate independence, to become annexed as a state of the confederacy, or whether that our interests would lead us to protect them from European interference, should they affect their independence, I am unable to say, though I infer the former. He further added that in the present agitated condition of the southern and western portion of this Continent, he should expect soon to hear of a demonstration in Cuba, having reference to an entire separation from the old country, which holds to the colony but by very feeble hands. Although I have not made this subject the topic of a formal despatch, yet I have felt it my duty to communicate the facts confidentially to you, for so deeply have I been impressed by them, that I cannot but apprehend that you may have to meet questions from that quarter, much earlier than any one could have anticipated two months ago.

You are of course more accurately, and earlier, advised of the popular movements in different parts of Europe and of their tendency to free institutions, than you could be by any communications from so distant a point as that, from which I address you. Here, every thing rests, and will undoubtedly continue to rest, on the old foundations. Russia however will not interfere with the struggles for popular governments in other countries, and as each will have as much as it can attend to, in its own internal affairs, without attending to its neighbors, we have pretty good security against international wars, though some of the domestic conflicts may be sanguinary. Poland, is the only point, where the popular movement will press upon Russia; and there, it is very probable, the contest will be fierce. That however would be but a border conflict, and be the result as it may, would not affect perceptibly the Empire of Russia proper.

Turning from what is taking place in Europe to our own more favored land, I cannot but congratulate you on the peace with Mexico. It comes at the right time, as if the hand of Providence had helped us to it. It is a circumstance somewhat remarkable, that the steamer which brought to Europe the news of our peace, ratified by the Senate, should have passed the one on its passage from this side, conveying to you the thrilling news from Paris taking its first date from the “twenty second of february.” It is fortunate too that the exemplar republic should repose in honorable peace, when we have so much reason to inculcate by precept and example, pacific views on others, who are shaping their institutions like ours. I will also add, that there are no four years that will tell more prominently in the history of our country than those of the present administration, irrespective of the influence of our example.

The annexation of Texas perfected—the Oregon question settled—the tariff re-constructed, and showing in its practical results, that lowering the taxes largely increases the treasury receipts—the constitutional treasury re-established, and its safety self vindicated by its successful working in peace and war—the war brought on by Mexico, rolled back from our frontier to the enemys capital, and peace obtained on terms prescribed by ourselves—California and New Mexico added to our territory—and now Bankers foreign and domestic, rivalling each other in their offers of easy loans, to any amount the administration may desire. These are laurels that any President might be proud to wear.

In my despatch to the secretary of state of the 11" of february, and in a private letter to yourself of the same date, I requested a recall from this Mission to take effect, early in the ensuing summer. Although it is not yet time to expect a reply from the Department, yet I hope you will pardon me from repeating here the same request and for the reasons there particularly explained. I am very desirous to avoid an autumnal passage home, my health having suffered almost irreparably long after my arrival in Europe from the effects of my passage over at that season. There is no important question pending or likely to be pending, between the two governments rendering it necessary for me to remain here, till relieved by the arrival of a new Minister.

The undersigned, Secretary of the Bible Society of this city, takes the liberty of handing to the President and his Lady the accompanying copy of the last Annual Report of the American Bible Society, and a statement of the proceedings at the semi-annual meeting of the Bible Society of this city, held on the 20th of Decr. last.2

The liberty is also taken of adding a few extracts from Communications recently received from different Officers of the American Bible Society, illustrative of its present condition and wants, as follow:

“It is unpleasant for us to call upon the benevolent public for money—much less pleasant than to speak of the extensive distribution of the Word of God. But the truth is, we cannot speak long on the latter topic unless due regard is in some way paid to the former. I say long, for we are now and have been for some weeks making extensive distributions, far exceeding in value our income, but must soon curtail, unless funds are more amply furnished. It must be borne in mind that we have now some three hundred hands employed daily in the manufacture of Bibles and Testaments, and print up seven or eight tons of paper per week. Here is a heavy expenditure which must be promptly met. It is too a needful expenditure and cannot be diminished without hazard to the best interests of our country; for while our issues exceed 2000 copies per day, we do not in any measure supply our population, nor meet demands for the Bible as fast as they come upon us. A large number of orders are now unexecuted & must remain so for some days.

“We have then in addition to these home wants, numerous calls from abroad—some of them urgent.

“Those who can become Life Directors and Life Members, and let the funds there furnished go to the foreign field, will render a service which cannot be over estimated.”

On this last point the following resolution was some time since adopted by the Board of Managers of the Bible Society of this city:

Resolved, That we respectfully invite our fellow citizens, who have the means, to constitute themselves and their friends Life Members of the American Bible Society by the payment of $30 at one time, or Life Directors by the payment of $150., which may be made in three equal annual payments; or Life Members of the city Society by the payment of $15 at one time or $20 at two payments.

The number of books issued from the Depository of the Am. Bible Society during the first eight months of the current year of the Society is 180.922 Bibles & 338.708 Testaments or 519.630 volumes, and yet the demands are not met, and the appeal of the Corresponding Secretary for funds to prepare copies is “Try to aid us all you can.”

Other extracts from letters recently received from the Secretaries of the Parent Society might be added, but they are deemed, in this connection, wholly unnecessary.

The Agent of the Society, or the Secretary, will take the liberty of calling at the Presidential Mansion next Monday; when he will be happy to receive, for the Society, such donations as the President and his family may be pleased to make, and to give such direction respecting the amount received as may be most agreeable to the donors, unless the President should prefer to transmit, in the interim, a donation to the Society.

It may become important to you, to have it in your power to show, exactly what you have directed, and what has been done, in reference to the existing state of things here. I have caused the notice of which I send you a copy,2

Mr. Towls has just suggested the importance of making a Marshall. Col Hunter will perhaps never be able again to attend to the duties & the disturbed spirit now existing in the city, in the opinion of many of the leading citizens requires the service of an active energetic peace officer. The crowd is said to have been very large before the New Era office last night but no disturbance.

I promised Mr. Towls to write you this note making the suggestion.

I write you a few lines to say to you that I expecte to be at Washington by the 19 or 20 of May if well and do my self the pleasure of seeing you in the White hous. I had not expected ever to have had that pleasure untill of late our friends seem to think it might be to the intrest of our principals for me to attend the Baltimore Convention. I sincerly hope that the Treaty may be ratifyed and peace made before that time. It will be at considerable sacrafise that I can attend the Convention, but I have at all times laid aside my own Individel intrest for the saeake of my friends & our principals. I will be oppen to acte acording to the [excenchencis]2

I understand the difficalty about the transportation of the troops from Jonesbor to Knoxville has been transered to Washington for decition. Theire is considerable excitement about it at Jonesborough and hear two. So far as I have heard aney expression of opinion there is at least four fifth of the public condems Blars corse in interfering with the contracte after he Knewe it existed and the Democracy think eaquelly strong of the assosiation of Blairs & Browlos but I suppose Blair relied upon his influence with the Departement and his power of makeing the rong appeare the wright side. My dear sir my oppinion is that Blairs Browlos & Co ought not to have aney pay for taking what troops they did to Knoxvill for they knew they was doing rong and trying to injer innosent men that had bee at great expence & troble to comply with theere contracte. Gammons most certianly ought to be paid.

Some of us think that a state of may exist at our Convention that make it nessary for us to nominat[e]3

The last letter I had from sons in Mexico they was boath reather unwell George had the Jondeis & S. G. I suppose had the measels.

Excuse my bad wrting for I have been at work and my fingers cramps so that I cant write so it can be read.

Give my best respest to Mrstrs President . . . .

I have recently learnt by a letter from Washington, that you design to make a selection from New England to fill the vacant office of Attorney General, and that the two most prominent candidates presented for your consideration, are Governor Toucey of this State and Mr Rantoul of Massachusetts.

Without disparaging Mr Rantoul, I think I can with safety say that few gentlemen of ours in New England, rank higher, than does Mr Toucey as a lawyer. Your personal acquaintance with him, renders it unnecessary that I should say anything of him as a man and a gentleman. As a politician hee has ever been firm and consistent, and upon a question which is, or may now become, one of vital importance as touching our Union, Mr Toucey has always been frank and decided, as well as correct, while Mr Rantoul, has at times taken a course, in reference to it, calculated to compromise the best interests of our country. I refer to political abolitionism. When Mr Toucey was last a candidate for congress, he was interogated, upon this subject; and I take the liberty of enclosing to you a paper containing his answer.2

He has ever since maintained the same ground and has of late done much to establish a correct public opinion upon the question in Connecticut.

I have written to you but seldom because I expect you have business up to the Chin, to attend to for the nation of far greater importance, than I have to write, about. But unless you can get them Newyork folks united, the chances are two to one against us, in the next election for President, & they consist of such d—d compounds that I have but very little hope of it. As Clay is to be the candidate, of the whigs I think we can beat him in Tennessee, the next canvass, but what will that avail us Since some of our best headed Southern states has pledged the democracy to vote for no man who will not come out Broadly vs the Willmot proviso. This was throwing stumbling Blocks in the way of the Northern democracy Which they dare not approach in an election for President. Now my Dear Sir Unless this is a diplomatic movement in the South with a view to fall down to the Missouri Compromise line as an Ultimatum, I think it was impolitick in our friends to start it. If the Willmot P comes up legitimately either in the establishment of a territorial Government or in the admission of a state we must meet it as well as we can, but to start it in the canvass for President, we may loose but cannot gain. Our prospects does not appear to me to be flattering.

In relation to yourself you have fought the good fight, and kept the faith amidst such storms and persecutions as I thought was wholly improbable would be heaped upon a man, who was not a candidate for reelection. But the whigs Satan like had rather “reign in Hell than serve in heaven” and there is no respite from their malice But the completing the Texas question, the Settlement of the Oregon Controversy, the brilliant campaigns in mexico, the establishment of all the democratic measures, has placed you upon such ground as to be wholly at Whig defiance, now and forever.

We will give a good account of the whigs in Ten, and vote for any good democrat, tho I am in favour of Buchanan first, yet cass, Dallas, Woodbury Dix, and others will do.

I have married a woman of suitable age, respectable property, no children of her own, and do not practice law out of Madison County. I have not applied either to the State or general government for any sort of an appointment heretofore and confidently ask now for one at your hands (towit), That you will send me a commission under the great seal of the United States, to stay at home and sleep with my wife and tell Mrs. Polk to countersign it as your private Secretary, and if you dont send it, I will sleep with her without it.

Present me kindly to Mrs Polk and accept for yourself my esteem &c.

I have just closed a contrat with Mr Hughs leaving Mr Smith out of it. This is best because Mr H is I think much the most faithful workman. I have made your letter & Plans & the drawings exibited of plan & front by Mr Hughs 1

I returned Monday night from Carolina & Ga. where I got 1.000.000.$ subscribed to our Railroad & the last to make the stock complete.

Being desirous of getting up superior steel engravings of a few of the distinguished men of our country,1

Should the arduous duties which must necessarily occupy you allow of your affording the short time necessary for complying with my request you will oblige many friends who have called upon me for copies of your likeness and confer a distinguished favor upon myself.

An unavoidable interruption of business, prevents me from saying anything more to day, than thanking you which I do from the bottom of my heart, for the signal honor & kindness which you have confer[r]ed1

Enclosed please find a letter from Mr. E Anthony of New York requesting the favour of a sitting from you, for your Daguerreotype for the purpose of making a fine engraving.1

As our facilities for producing perfect pictures are perhaps as great as there are enjoyed by any other artist in the United States, and as we are enabled by our peculiar advantages to produce better pictures at our gallery than we can possibly take elsewhare, we shall deem it a special favour, if you will honor us with a sitting at as early a date as it may suit your convenience to appoint.

I reached Salisbury this morning about 4 o’clock and found no stage departing for Morganton and I have to stay here until Tuesday morning. I hear mother is worse and I am very anxious to get home. It has taken me twenty eight dollars to come this far and it will take the remainder of the $75 which I had in my pocket when I started to pay my bill when I leave here. I am unwell myself and I am afraid I will take sick before I reach home. If nothing happens I will be home Wednesday & I will write you from there. Give my love to aunt Sarah. Excuse my writing for I have a bad pen & my head aches miserably.

Your affectionate nephew

I have received your kind letter of the 14th ultimo, informing me that another piece of my land had been sold for the taxes in 1844.1

I have received your letter of the 8th of the last month, and am glad to learn that you were nearly done planting. Mr Leigh writes to me, that some more of my land has been sold for the taxes.1

I wish you to be particular in paying my taxes, and in order to be sure that the land is properly described in the Receipts, from the Sheriff, shew them to Mr Leigh, as I do not wish to have any further trouble about the taxes.

You must continue to write to me at the beginning of every month how you are getting on with my business.

I suspect “Rivers & Harbors” are soon to be discussed in Congress if not at Baltimore. If so, it is important that your veto message & the documents should be printed & laid upon the tables of members. Though almost five months have elapsed, I have not seen this document, & from what I learn it has not been printed. If this is so, I think it due to you & the country that it be printed & distributed instanter. Goodmen in Congress & in the Press do not understand this matter & will not until they “see the documents.”

I have had the honor to receive, at the hands of Major Bliss, U.S. Army, the Medal of gold, which, pursuant to a Joint Resolution of Congress dated July 16. 1846, you were requested to present to me “in the name of the Republic.”

Your letter of transmittal1

In acknowledging the receipt of this Medal, I desire also, most gratefully to express my profound sense of the distinguished honor conferred upon me by the Republic, together with my great gratification that my efforts to serve the country have been received with national favor and approval.

When I accepted this office you were so kind as to say to me I should have the first good vacancy that might occur in the Consular department, and you authorized me to remind you of any such vacancy. Mr. H Sprague late Consul at Gibralter, is no more; that Consulate would be acceptable to me; the English language is spoken there, and I am much at a loss here in social intercourse with the natives as I do not understand their language; To one who understands the Italian, or who is young enough to learn it, Genoa to such a gentleman, would be more acceptable than the Rock of Gibralter.

Receved youre Leter April 4the. Sir youre people are all well & sir all your Groceris has come safe to hand that your Bill cald for.

Sir we are giting on with the crop tolerable. We have had a dry spel of wether made the coten late coming up. We have a good stand of coten & corn.

I ame in hops we will have a good crop year. I want to make a good crope of coten.

The hands all work fine but the boy Joe he behavs Bad. I have Just got him home. It appears he wount stay at home. I have take in him out of Jale 3 tims. I will keepe hime Ironed untael I heare frome you. It will not pre vent hime frome work.

The stock all Lucks well. We have a fine chanse of stock hogs.

Mr J. T. Leigh told me that Roben clams 2 more fortys of youre land on the half sexion you bought of your Brother. I have not got the tax recete of 1844 col campbell has them. Thay will shoe I think it not so.

I have nothing more only Remane . . . .

I beg leave to invite your attention to the subject of clothing for Volunteers. The recent order of the Adjt. Genl. Jones on the subject, has produced a deep murmur throughout the Volunteer corps. I see nothing in the law of Congress to authorise the construction given to that law (the one authorising clothing in kind to be issued to the Volunteers) by the secretary of war. The Volunteers came into the service, expecting $3.50 per month for commutation of clothing and great dissatisfaction will prevail, if it is not allowed them, of course deducting from that sum, all issues in kind. Gen. Towson is of opinion that they are entitled to $3.50 per month, deducting issues of clothing in kind. I shall not argue this question to you, but merely call your attention to it, that if you agree with me, that $3.50 per month should be paid the soldier for clothing, that you can give the necessary order, in time to meet the discharged soldier, at New Orleans, where, the war being ended, I understand they will be discharged. Most of the vol’trs are of the right faith & I would greatly dislike to see them go home soured with the Democratic Administration for the small sum of one dollar per month, by an order which I most sincerely believe not to be warranted by law.

Providence has deprived us during the last few hours, of one of the Academic Staff. The Professor of French is dead. He has been cut down with his harness on, and at the post of duty. Mr Berard was suddenly prostrated in his section room yesterday about noon, and continued speechless till this morning when his spirit left us, we trust for a better world.

He has been a faithful servant of the Military Academy for more than thirty years, and has left behind him the best impressions of his worth as a man, a father, husband friend, and of his fidelity, in the discharge of his duty. He has left a large family, who are now destitute, and who are illy prepared to sustain themselves by their own exertions.

Professor Berard held the office of Post-Master at the Point, the proceeds of which with his pay for teaching enabled him to maintain his family. Now what we earnestly desire is, that the office may be given to his wife Mrs. Berard, who is amply qualified for its duties, and who could employ his oldest daughter as clerk. This would enable her to keep her children together, and meet the hearty approbation of all, I am satisfied, connected with the Institution. If necessary we could forward a petition signed by the Military and Academic Staff. Of one thing your Excellency may be assured that the duties will be faithfully performed and an important service rendered a deserving widow and her family. I do hope, Sir, that this request will meet with your kind consideration. It will be a popular and gratefully recd. act by all in our own community.

I have just received from New Jersey, three letters containing the sad intelligence of the Total defeat of the Democratic party in old Nottingham (the name it has been termed) “the salt of Mercer,” in the words of one person, who has written to me, “we are routed, Horse, foot, & dragoons.” Every one, in the Borough of South Trenton have been defeated by a large majority, and one of the most bitter Whigs has been elected in my Brothers place. A son, of the late defaulting Treasurer of New Jersey (Isaac Southard Brother of Saml. L. Southard, formerly a Senator) James W. Southard, has been elected one of Whig-Burgesses of that Borough.

The night before the Election, my Brother wrote to me. “I shall be re-elected to the Responsible Office, which I now hold there is no doubt, as I have seen Mr. John Phares, and he says, there will be no opposition Ticket, he is a Whig and you know a great Politician, and our party have nominated me, for Chief Burgess, unanimously.” Here I think, can be seen the course of their defeat, they were lulled into security, and in that way was captured by their Enemies, but Sir, I think it is “all for the best.” I have written several letters to our friends, earnestly entreating them, to array themselves and prepare for the Presidental campaign with renewed vigour and energy, & not to mind this paltry defeat, but prepare for the great contest. They say, “we are humbled to the very dust” and bitterly do they lament their Apathy. Never were men more discouraged, and are really dispairing at the result, as the other party are so much elevated by this “first Gun from New Jersey, the very strong hold of Democracy has surrendered to them.” It is hailed as the grand Signal of Defeat to the Democratic party, but what if they gain the whole state, it will be no loss to us, for it has been theirs for years.

I know, stump Orators, will sound the alarm, that the Democracy of N. Jersey in one of their strongest holds, have been vanquished in Consequence of the present administration, the war &c.

I know it will be used for effect, by them, but although humbled, they should not be so disheartened, their cause is good, for when the present Chief Burgess came into power, the Borough was in Debt, which has been paid off, by his means and influence. Old Nottingham has been defeated, by a great loss, totally so, but it is “All for the best,[”]1

The President of the United States presents his respects to Mrs. Adams , and thanks her for the copy of a Discourse delivered by the Revd. Mr Lunt of Quincy, on the Melancholy occasion of the interment of the mortal remains of her husband, the late John Quincy Adams,1

Your favor of the 2d April reached me in due time, and I was not disappointed that you did not grant me leave of absence. Indeed if you had granted it I should not have availed myself of it, for ever since that period every moment has been one of the deepest responsibility to the Minister here. This will appear from my despatches, in which I have endeavored to keep the Department advised of the progress of the various movements that are threatening the general peace of Europe.

To day the votes are being counted which will decide who are to be the Delegates to Frankfort and to the constituant assembly here. I have been in daily intercourse with some of the leading candidates. One of them in anticipation of his Election has just addressed me a note asking me for a sketch of our Constitution and my opinion of its applicability to the German States. I will give it in writing but in such a manner as to avoid making myself a partizan of a political question foreign to us, yet at the same time encouraging the effort to found the proposed Government on our Republican basis. After being furnished with Mr. Buchanans despatch to Mr. Rush I can scarcely go wrong.

There is every probability that the proceedings at Frankfort will result in the adoption of a constitution which will transfer to the new Government all the Diplomatic functions of the several states. To be prepared for this event I wish to be furnished with powers to this new Government. As matters are now working the United states will be the nation upon which Germany will chiefly rely in making its first national demonstration. Its whole policy will be changed in commercial matters. To build up a Navy, to acquire a custom house jurisdiction like ours, and to counteract the restrictive and selfish legislation of other countries, will be its leading aim at first. Whilst getting rid of dependence on England, and creating a commercial marine, she will encourage our shipping rather than that of any European competitor.

It seems that this King does not yet shrink from the support of the New Government. Possibly he looks to his election as the Emperor. But my idea is that neither he nor his friends see the real drift of that work. Whatever may be its features in regard to the Dynastic character of the Executive, whilst it presumes to the people Universal suffrage, it will gradually undermine and destroy the Monarchic principle. It will centralise Germany in the first place, until it gets rid of the old remnants of feudalism, when all will be subjected to the checks and ballances of our system. Louis Phillip fell because he owed his crown to the election of the people. So will it be with the next Emperor here if one is taken. Germany tends as inevitably to a republic, as Universal suffrage does to extirpate whatever opposes political equality.

Before this reaches you the Democratic convention will have acted. Cut off from all correspondence with my friends, who seem to have forgotten me, I have no means of judging of the public temper in the U States. I have however a sort of instinct in such matters which has seldom deceived me. This tells me that you must be much stronger than any other member of the Democratic party, yet I know not how to wish that you may be burdened with the cares of the Presidency another 4 years. How often have I wondered when rising from Genl Jacksons table full of applications for office, and of notes for letters or messages, that great men will struggle, so hard for the privilege of being President. Yet it seemed a part of his life to wear the harness of the public servant. You have more health than he had and can therefore carry the burdens with more ease: but doubtless if left to yourself you will seek to avoid another term of the office.

You have had a most eventful administration—the admission of Texas, the settlement of the Oregon, the present Tariff, and the conquest of Mexico, will fill many pages in our history. Whatever may be the issue of the next Presidency these pages will forever justify the choice of your friends in running you in 1844. Whether the next four years are to give you or to some one else, the helm of state, the ship must advance in the direction you have given it, and it will be fortunate if it escapes the dangers through which you have steered it so successfully.

With our kind regards to Mrs. Polk & to Mr. & Mrs. Walker believe me . . . .

I could not write to you by the last mail, because I had no pen but I have one now and I will let hear from me. Mother is a great deal better but she is by no means out of danger, and no person knows how long she will live. By this mail I send you my acceptance of the appointment you give me signed and fixed to the best of my ability.2

Yours truly

Permit me, to intrude upon your patients and time, by asking you to read a letter from a humble friend, given what he believes to be a true state of the factions of the democratic party, as it now stands in the state of New York. I, have been in the city ever since the 15th of April, during which time, I have had opportunities of mixen and conversing with the leading men of both factions of the party, in this state, with a view to learn, if possiable, what would unite the party in the great, state of New York, and thus secure certain victory in 1848 to the democratic party, as if we loose New York our success next fall to say the least of it will be doubtfull. There is a very hostile and determined feeling existing between the factions of the party here. Each faction claimes to be the regular po[r]tion1

I believe that, steps, should be taken to heal, the party in New York & now is the time to do, it as if there is a fight, at Baltimore we cannot, save this state after that. I am aware that the great dificulty is how to get both sets of delogates reconsiled at Baltimore, this question I have raised to two or three of the delogates in the city and to several of the leading men of the party and I find, that to exclude both sets will give better satisfaction than to admit one at the exclusion of the other. The Barnburners say if these are admitted these can carry the state & let the old Hunkers, Go with the whigs, or where they please, if, this be true, you at once see that it would be bad policy to admit the old Hunker delegates, howevr as to the truth of this assertion I cannot vouch for. I believe to take the city of New York that 2/3 or 3/4 of the party goes with, the Barnburners, but, I think the safe way is to either exclude both sets, or take both sets into the convention and give them one vote & when the two sets cannot, agree how to vote, then they have no vote, by this course a compromise could be expected upon you (if you will accept of a nomination,) and if not then I believe they would unite upon Mr Buchanan or Woodbury. This would be the course the Barnburners would take and I believe, it would meet with the views of the Hunkers. This course will I believe save the party in state. The Barnburners cares nothing about the “Wilmot proviso” this humbug has completely exploded. This scrawl, is written to you in great haste and in perfect confidence, any thing that may appear improper be kind enough to excuse as it is written by a true friend. I will be compelled, to remain, here in the city until the middle of next week during which time, I would be much pleased to received, an acknowledgement of this line from you and any information that I can impart to you more on the eve of the nomination, I would be pleasd, to give you in strict confidence.

In obedience to your directions1

Commodore Perry’s despatch No. 164, of April 15, 1848 was received at the Department on the 5th of May; the others were received prior to the date of your recent message to Congress realtive to that country.

In the paper which I took the liberty of submitting to you this morning, a blank was left, to be filled with an extract from Mr. Hannegan’s speech in the Yucatan debate. I herewith enclose it, & beg you to have the goodness to affix it by a wafer in its place, at the top of the 2d page.1

Pardon me if I profit by the opportunity to add two remarks further.

1. Cuba is made to furnish a monopoly market to various considerable Spanish interests at home; as for instance to the farmers in several provinces, whose flour pays a comparatively small duty in Cuba, while ours is taxed $10 a barrel. Again, there are the mercantile & shipping interests of the several sea-ports of old Spain, which derive great benefit from their restrictive navigation laws, and the existing commercial system between Spain and Cuba. These home influences constitute the chief difficulty, indeed the only serious one, in the way of the purchase. It is highly important that the measure, if done at all, should be done in such a manner as not to arouse the alarm of these interests, until too late for their interference, and too late for the national pride to be appealed to by them, & invoked not to surrender the last lingering glory of Spain’s old dominion & trans-Atlantic empire. Hence the mischief of further Congressional discussion; & hence the impolicy of operating at Madrid through any mode of agency likely to draw attention, either of the public, or of English vigilance, to the object in view. Washington Irving would probably not waken much suspicion. Commander Mackenzie, of the Navy, has also twice visited Spain as a tourist, and could probably with ease make an ostensible pretext for another visit to Madrid. There can be no great difficulty in finding a suitable person.

2. In reference to the purchase-money. Assume 100 millions; paid in a 4 or 5 per cent. stock. Cuba would be at first a Territory, and a sufficient amount of its present taxation could be kept up to pay off, say 5 millions a year, with the interest; and on its admission as a State, the condition would be made of its assuming the debt, or providing for it, by its own self-taxation; excepting, of course, such amount as should be covered by the crown lands & other property coming to the United States; and also the excess of the custom receipts which would be collected there by the U.S. over & above the expenses of collection, for a certain period. Such portion the U.S. would rightfully pay. It is at once obvious that the whole amount now paid by Cuba to support the large army of Spanish soldiers kept up there; and the army of voracious Spanish officials of all sorts, could be transferred to the payment of this debt without being felt. Cuba also does the best part of maintaining the Spanish navy, the vessels of which are usually sent there to be repaired.

Pardon me if I am obtrusive on this subject; and ascribe it to the earnestness of my convictions, feelings & wishes, all warmly enlisted in behalf of the object. If my interest in it is also somewhat quickened by a natural anxiety respecting the personal safety of some very dear members of my family resident on that island, I beg you to be assured that this motive is wholly subordinate to the higher ones, founded on the public reasons I have laid before you, by which I have been actuated ever since my visit to Cuba.

I recd. yours of the 1 inst. some days since advising me to employ Mr. Strickland to look after the execution of the work on your building &c. I have thought it over, and come to the conclusion not to act until Mr. Stevenson returns from Augusta (Geo) where he now is, but will soon be home again, and be here more or less during the Summer. Hughes is the controlling buildor and as Stevenson has set him up pretty much from the point of it’s outset, he is exceedingly inclined to do for Stevenson what will be entirely satisfactory—and then he (H.) believes that he got your job through Stevenson, and that he (S.) stands pledged for it’s good performance; wherefore, it may be best not to weaken this State of responsibility, by a change to Mr. Strickland: A step that would needs create some jealousy, & I think, from what I learn, ill will on Hughes’s part.

As to Mr. Bass complying with the contract in regard to the Avenue, there is no hope for it, and Gov. Brown handed me the papers to place into Mr. Nicholson’s hands. I have not done so yet, as N. is in Columbia, but I will act in the matter so soon as Mr N. returns. I saw Jac. McGavock, and got the papers I left with him. He feels no interest in squabbling about the matter, but could not act, I imagine, without incurring the ill will of Mr Bass. Mr. McG. felt much embarrassment when I read to him the Avenue clause, I had left last fall to be inserted in the decree; & I then asked him if there could possibly be any objection to it on part of Mr. Grundy’s devisees? He replied, that he could see none: Still, I am prepared to say that Mr. Bass will keep it if he can. Mr. McGavock seemed to be very willing that the chancellor should settle the matter. I will aid Mr. Nicoholson to understand the contract, & premises.

It is melancholy to be driven to such a defence as Mr. Secy. Marcy was compelled to make to the charges of Gnl. Scott—and rather wonderful, that a man in Scott’s position should so much expose himself (to a conviction of some three undoubted falsehoods,) after assuming command just before Feby. last, with extreme gratitude to all appearance. The “plate of Soup” letter, I deemed a folly of an extremely vain and jealous man, when excited most likely by wine: But this Mexico letter of Feby 24, is a deliberate assault on his superiors, and was intended to blast them if the writer could, with false charges; nor do I think any well ordered man, of grade, in the U.S. will think otherwise who reads the two letters. Marcy’s letter displays high vigor, and very uncommon ability to deal with facts. I view Scott as deeply disgraced; but I cannot well see how you are to deal with him on his return other than to keep him at a distance during the remainder of your Term.

P.S. I have been much afflicted at the death of Ashley, to whom I was considerably attached—& in his confidence. J.C.

You will hardly be surprised to get a line dated from me in this capital, after what I stated in my last hurried letter.1

The present is one of the most important periods in the history of Our government. Great and vital questions agitate the mind of the American people. These questions are soon to be desided. The maner in which they are to be Settled is of the first importance, as they will have a great influence upon the future happiness and prosperrity of Our Nation. Sir the Mexican War which the administration have plunged this Republic into for the concealled purpose of propagating the damnible instution Slavery will soon meet a merrited vengence from the people of this Union. Do you Suppose for One moment that the people is ignorent of the intentions of the South in relation to Mexican Territory when admitted into this Union and the maner in which the South expect to admit Territory? We are well aware the South intind to Exclude the Willmot Proviso from being Extended Over Territory to be acquired from Mexico. Do you Suppose for one moment that the North will be Silent when you Southren dofaces are Striking at the vitals of Expiring Liberty?

One of you Sothern Do-faces has give notice that he is about to introduce a Bill in the House of Representatives for the avowed purpose of Reducing the Press!!! in the Destric of Columby to a Sensership. Who would have thought that a Representative of the people of the Stars & Stripes would ever be so abandoned and nigardly nobody but a corrupt aspiring Demagogue that is ignorent of the unpopularity of Such a proposition. The North will play you Sothren gentlemen a lively tune Sir, when she is awakened from her Slumbers and compelled to act by asserting her rites.

Do you Suppose North Can be humbuged in that Stile if you do you are verry much mistaking. Sir the next President who will have the Honor to be placed at the Helm of our goverment will be a Willmot Proviso man who is Smart who will lern you things present and teach you things to come.

Sir you have vetoed the River & Harbor Bill and by that mistep you have aroused the feeling of the north to a lively Since of her duty and the most Sollen1

Sir I. whold that whire the Legislature of this government passes a Bill By Such overwhelming majorrity no Sencible man would conclude that he new more about the Constitutionality of appropriateing moneys than the Senate & house of Representatives. Sir the North pays 3/4 of the Revinue of this Union and Fancy they have Rites and Something to say about the Public Money as well as the South.

Upon the reseption of this write immediately and if you go the suthren doctrine we will have a livily intercorse.

Inclosed you will find a letter from my old German friend, the object of which you will perceive and appreciate.2

I think it probable (no better one applying) that the appointment would be a good one, as regards the first planting of democratic principles, in that region. You will of course, have better information on the subject, than I can impart to you.

Mr. H. will be at Baltimore as a delegate from Wisconsin, representing a Cass constituency, but not instructed. In many of his letters to me, since your Election, he has expressed an opinion, that a “contingency” would occur, that would render it necessary to throw your name again, before the country. In that event he is prepared to act. He has lately passed through N. York, where he was satisfied that your name, gave the only chance to obtain that vote. He made a special request, for the purpose of ascertaining whether you would permit your name voluntarily to be used. On advisement with Mr. Walker & others I did not answer.

On to day I have written him a letter respectfully acknowledging the receipt of his letters—And expressing a hope and expectation that the labors of the convention would result, in the selection of the strongest democratic person in the nation, without regard to localities or any small circumstance.

Supposing that T. Martin will be at Washington, I have written a letter of introduction for him & J H. Thomas to hand to him. They will find him a very intelligent old man and one from whom, they can obtain much N. Western information.

All well. Respects to all.

I have the honor, in answer to the Resolution of the Senate of the 13th instant, to transmit a copy of my communication to Comdr. Perry of the 12th instant on the subject of giving protection to the white population of Yucatan, with the Naval Forces, under his command.1

No advices have been received, at this Department from the Commander or officers of the Squadron in the Gulf of Mexico, of a date later than the 15th of April ulto. All the communications on the subject received from any of them, have been already transmitted to the Senate.

The gout last Evening prevented my having the honor of writing in you as I was about to do when it came on—to report that there is not a word in Napoleon’s historical account of his Egyptian campaign of the fiscal and other arrangements by which he subsisted his army there as no doubt he did without aid from home.

I intended also to take the occasion of the enquiry you made of me on this subject to submit with great deference my opinion on the very important question of the legality of contributions levied in Mexico.2

I do’nt know whether your attention has ever been drawn to the case of Brown & the US, reported in the 8th Vol. of Cranch page 110. See particularly pages 125, 6 &c for the opinion of the court as delivered by C. J. Marshall and page 149 for Judge Story’s.

A system of contributions by taxation levied in Mexico would be, I think, the most signal merit of the very brilliant hostilities waged there under you as commander in chief.

But it is at least doubtful, when Congress are in Session whether without their act the Executive is empowered to do what is necessary. In the case in Cranch the Supreme Court considers the powers of Congress to make rules concerning captures on land a substantive power.

Should the war continue I submit to your better judgment whether the President ought not to call on Congress for an act regulating contributions, which, in the present state of the two houses there is no reason to apprehand would put a stop to, or do more than legalize what you have been doing and may desire to do in Mexico.

Although unwilling to add to your labor, or to trespass upon the little time allotted you for repose, I cannot forego the inclination to say a few words to you, and they shall be few on your own account.

I am so fully impressed with the expediency, if not real necessity of our government making some demonstration on this coast, and of enlarging our Naval force in the Mediterranian, for the purpose, first of necessary protection to the citizens and commerce of the United States, and secondly on account of the moral influence which it would exert, that I have thought it a duty to suggest the subject for your consideration. I have made such a recommendation to Mr. Buchanan, and stated the grounds upon which I did so, but that was an official dispatch, and there are some things which may be more freely communicated and perhaps more fully stated in private correspondence.

The Pennsylvania is not in active service, and a more propitious moment than the present has not occurred perhaps since she was launchd for sending her to Europe, and especially to Lisbon, Cadiz, and into the Mediterranian. Of course, none more than heretofore, every thing is said and done in Europe to disparage Republics, and any thing which we could do, consistently with our policy of neutrality, to vindicate our free system of government is commended no less by duty than by sound policy. The masses of Europe have but a very imperfect knowledge of our country and her institutions, but have been in some way induced to regard it as a land of unparallelled freedom and happiness. Still the biggotted supporters of monarchy, seek to make the impression that it is an impracticable abstraction, which enjoys but a fleeting existance and which could no where else exist at all, and therefore wholly unsuited to Europe. Indeed, these men, either deluded themselves or seeking to delude the people, who are now looking out, and almost ready to hail for freedom, hold up free government as nothing better than anarchy—the fruitful parent of disorder, outrage, robbery—where life, liberty and property have no guarranty better than the will of a licentious mob. But notwithstanding these tricks, systemmatically practiced upon the people from childhood to old age, the truth will now and then reach them, and nothing has contributed so much to the prevailing commotion in Europe, as the growing influence of our power, our freedom and prosperity.

I went some weeks ago on board of an American Bark then lying in the Tagus, and took with my by invitation of the Captain, Mrs. H and our consul here. Amongst the sailors were two Portuguese, who united in giving us a most hearty cheer, and united also in singing several good yankee songs as clanish and national as the best yankee could desire. It was the only occasion that I have felt happy since I entered this city. They sung with a good gusto, and you would have laughed heartily to hear them sing a Jackson song, which run in this way
General Jackson, he give them beans
In the battle of New Orleans.
When the flag was taken down in the evening, such was the influence of the days scene upon the two Portuguese that they embraced the flag and kissed it.

The Mexican war is I presume now over. It has ended as poor Dromgoole once said General Jackson would die, “in a blaze of glory” and its prosecution has elevated us abroad far beyond the conceptions of the most sanguine minds. And now when our example of free government is shaking monarchy to its very foundation, and our Navy has nothing to do, give us an imposing demonstration in Europe, and send us that greatest battle ship perhaps in the world (the Pennsylvania) under the command of an experienced and accomplished officer. This will be fit, as a closing measure of your successful and distinguished administration. Believe me sir, that there is no feeling of flattery in this sentiment. For whilst I shall continue to entertain a very grateful appreciation of your kindness in sending me to Lisbon experience has satisfied me, that both of us were mistaken in supposing that it would be a favor to me. Neither is this remark, made in any spirit of complaint. In my conscience I believe you have justly entitled yourself to the gratitude of our country for a wise, upright and enlightened republican administration which will entitle you to a place in the impartial and faithful history of the Union, with the great author and founder of our faith. But send out immediately the great Pennsylvania, let her enter the Tagus, and look out upon monarchy, and let monarchy and subjects look upon her, and neither the commerce of our country, nor the rights of our citizens, nor the arms of our consulates, will be trifled with again, during her sojourn in these waters. And may that retirement which you now contemplate I doubt not with more real pleasure than you left it, be to you one of peace, happiness and prosperity, the sincere wish of . . . .

To day I intended starting for Washington, but mother would not permit me so I have to defer it until tuesday. Mother is far from being out of danger, she is in a very critical situation but father is doing his best to releive her, he has consulted the most eminent physicians in New York & other places and he has received their aprobation of his course as the only one liable to releive her. I would not leave her for perhaps I may never see her again & it would be hard not to be by the death bed of my only remaining parent. Give my love to aunt Sarah. Ma & father send their love to you & aunt.

Yours affectionately

I was most happy and gratified in receiving your letter of the 15th of April, accompanying the Joint Resolution of congress, tendering congratulations to France on the Revolution. It got to hand on the 12th instant, and on the day following I went in person to the new minister of Foreign affairs as I had not then received official notice of his appointment, to ask when I might have the honor of presenting the Resolution to the Executive committee appointed by the National Assembly, handing the minister a copy of it. He received the communication with great satisfaction, saying that he felt sure the Executive committee would appoint an early day for the ceremony.

This was last Saturday. Up to that day, every thing remained quiet here. On Sunday commotions began to be apprehended, and on Monday another Revolution broke out; the national Assembly was forcibly invaded by a band of violent people, and its deliberations for a time stopped. I can now only refer in a word to this extraordinary state of things. There has been no bloodshed, but all Paris was uproar and confusion for two or three days. This has doubtless been the reason why I have as yet received no answer to my communication.

It is now Thursday. Order has been restored, and I have waited until the last moments thinking that some answer might still come, of the first receipt of which I might apprize you; but as this is not the case, I am only able by the present Steamer to say thus much, deferring until the next the better Report which, by that time, I shall hope to have it in my power to make to the Secretary of State.

I regard the Joint Resolution of congress, as having arrived very opportunely. Standing on the basis and spirit of your letter to me, I will anxiously endeavor, when presenting the Resolution to this government, to turn the occasion to the best account I can, at this precise moment when the violence of Clubs in Paris, and equal violence and rashness of the Poles, have been furiously aiming to drive France into foreign wars, and overset the very Republic.

You have many, and old friends here, who would like you be a candidate again, so that if elected, you might again be made the instrument of “Ten cent Jimmy” Buchanan, your prime minister, your constant enemy ever since you have had him in your cabinet, and the [un]tiring1

I have not heard from you by letter since I left the U States. Before this reaches you the convention will have acted and our Candidate will be before the people. I have never had but one opinion about it, that was, that our party owed it to you and you owe the acceptance to them. You have had a trying time and, one term is not sufficient to place Your acts, fame &c in its true light.

I hope and trust that it will be as I wish. I was always opposed to the one term letter.1

Mr. Rowan passed on a few days since to London on route for Naples. He informed me that you would be nominated if you would accept. Bancroft Talks strangely on this subject and indeed is a strange compound. He does not like me and if he makes any representations about me, all I want or ask of you is a hearing. To you I will at all times, “Confess, and keep nothing back,[”]2

I sent a letter to you and also one to the Post Master Genl. from Wilmere & Smith who publish here The European Times.3

I have written Mr. Johnson.

I wish to obtain a Midshipmans Warrant for my son William. He is a proper age and very anxious to enter the navy. Will you have the kindness to speak to Judge Mason on the subject. I dislike to make the application for I know how much Trouble you have in this way. Still it will save me very much.

I had a letter from Rachel the other day in which she says what she feels, for the great kindness of yourself and Mrs Polk to her.

I never can repay this, but you and your good wife have the Consolation “promised, to those who protect and watch over[”] the orphan, for she is alone.

Give my kind respects to Mrs. P. Mr. & Mrs. Walker Majr. & Mrs. Graham and friends.

From speculations which have appeared in some of the public journals, and from frequent inquiries which have been made of me, by many political friends, some of them Delegates to the Democratic National convention which will assemble at Baltimore on the 22nd Instant, I am induced to suppose that it may be the desire of some of my friends to propose my re-nomination, as the candidate of the Democratic party, for the office of President of the United States. Should you ascertain that such is the intention of any of the Delegates, I desire through you to communicate to the convention that I am not a candidate for the nomination, and that any use of my name with that view, which may be contemplated, is without any agency or desire on my part.

The purpose declared in my letter of the 12th of June 1844, in accepting the nomination tendered to me by the Democratic National convention of that year, remains unchanged, and to relieve the convention from any possible embarrassment which the suggestion of my name might produce, in “making a free selection of a successor who may be best calculated to give effect to their will, and guard all the interests of our beloved country,” I deem it proper to re-iterate the sentiments contained in that letter.1

I entertain the confident hope and belief, that my Democratic friends of the convention will unite in the harmonious nomination of some citizen to succeed me, who if elected, will firmly maintain and carry out the great political principles, embodied in the Resolutions adopted by the Democratic National convention in 1844, principles, which it has been the earnest endeavour and the constant aim of my administration to preserve and pursue, and upon the observance of which in my opinion mainly depend the prosperity and permanent welfare of our country. If on reviewing the history of my administration, and the remarkable events, foreign and domestic which have attended it, it shall be the judgement of my countrymen that I have adhered to these principles and faithfully performed my duty, the measure of my ambition is full, and I am amply compensated for all the labours, cares and anxieties, which are inseperable from the high station which I have been called to fill.

I shall ever cherish sentiments of deep gratitude to my fellow-citizens, for the confidence they reposed in me, in elevating me to the most distinguished and responsible public trust, on earth.

It is scarcely necessary that I should add, that it will be no less my duty than it will be my sincere pleasure, as a citizen, to unite with my Democratic friends in the support of the nominees of the convention for the offices of President & Vice President of the United States.

I have received no communications from Mexico. If I had, they should have been sent to you without a moment’s delay.

I received your letter of the 12th Instant on yesterday. The suggestion which I made to you in my letter of the 1st, about the employment of Mr Stickland, the architect, to superintend the building of my House, was made in consequence of a letter received from you,1

The City was crowded during the last week with Delegates to the Democratic National Convention, which meets in Baltimore today. They are all off, to Baltimore, and with them many, perhaps a majority of the members of Congress. So much has been said in reference to myself, but without the slightest authority [from] me, that I have deemed it proper to address a letter to the convention, through Dr. Ramsey of Knox who is a Delegate, re-iterating the grounds assumed in my letter of the 12th of June 1844, accepting the nomination of the Democratic National convention of that year.5

The Revd Lewis Bridel, a protestant clergyman from Paris, and the Revd Alexr King from Dublin, are on a visit to this country, and will be highly gratified, if it be in your power to give them a short interview this evening. These gentlemen, are well informed, and intelligent, and quite familiar with the stirring events of their respective countries.

The Convention as you will have seen have been in session all day & have accomplished a partial organization. There has been & is much confusion & uncertainty, more than I supposed. The two third rule will most probably be adopted, but it is not certain. The New York case has been referred to a Committee of one from each State, the Committee on credentials. This committee have been in session all evening until a few minutes ago & have after much discussion & a close vote of one majority come to the preliminary decision, not to hear either side unless they would agree to abide by the decision & the nomination. Until now there has been not much bitterness but it is now becoming very warm & bitter. It is regarded as tantamount to admitting the Old Hunkers as they have agreed to bind themselves so, and the BarnBurners it is said have refused to submit to any such interrogatories & deny the right of the Convention or Committee to interrogate them. It is regarded as a Cass movement and is essentially a Cass triumph, and if the Convention should confirm the action of the Committee, which it is probable they will, the nomination afterwards made, will be effected amidst much violence & mangling. It is probable that if confirmed the Hunkers will come in, the Barnburners will go home dissatisfied & denouncing the convention as a pro Slavery packed convention & that Cass will then be nominated. The last event is still very uncertain however even if the Hunkers are admitted, but will depend much upon the adoption of the two third rule. Turney, the Committeeman from Tennessee voted & spoke against the right of applying any such test. Tennessee will cast her vote on the first ballot 6 for Cass and 7 scattering, viz 2 for Buchanan & the remaining 5 between Worth & Woodbury. There is an interest growing up under the auspices of Blair & the Kentucky delegation for Butler. It is impossible to tell how the developements of to night will affect the stock in the morning.

Your true position before the Convention will be presented immediately before any ballotting.1

I will write you to morrow night again.

I have this moment returned from Baltimore. The 2/3 rule is adopted. The Barnburners are by the report of the committee to be excluded if that report be confirmed. Of this there is but little doubt. I saw Mr Ramsey & he promised to read your letter2

As I anticipated the entire day on yesterday was devoted to the discussion of the New York case, & the adoption of the two thirds rule.

I need not write to you anything which you will see in the papers, but give something of an impression as to what may be the result. Much confusion & no little bitterness exists. Unless there is a change & that a decided one, no man ever spoken of prominently will stand much chance for a nomination & when made it may not be a cordial or unanimous one. I think it will be a very close vote between the confirmation of the report of the Committee & the admission of both sets. The chances I think are with the latter alternative, that is the admission of both sets with 36 votes. If the Barnburners come in, a demonstration will be made pretty early for Gen Butler, prominent in whose support will be Hamlin of Maine, Blair & the Maryland delegation, Kentucky & a good many of the moderate men, but the probabilities are that he will be brought on too early to be successful. The Cass men are becoming very violent, & dispirited.

I have heard very few intimate a doubt of the good faith of your declaration four years ago & ever since of a sincere desire to see a harmoneous nomination of a successor & that you may retire to private life.

An unfortunate remark of Morse of Louisiana brought down upon him a most eloquent & scathing castigation from Bowden of Ala. which thrilled through the convention in a tumult of applause which was followed up by Hamlin of Me & Rich Thompson of N.J in vindication of the Administration. Poor Morse tried to apologise that he did not mean to call you an “outsider,” and then Yancy apologised for him. The two-third rule was much assisted by this scene, for the Louisiana delegation immediately retired & changed their purpose & voted for it. They may get to voting to night, but I hardly expect it. If they do you will hear of it before you see this. I will write you again to-night.

Mr. Benton has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the two letters recived in the President’s package from Oregon, which, like many others recived by Mr. Meek, relate to the unhappy condition of Oregon, and the necessity for law and government.2

The Office of Attorney General of the United States, having become vacant in consequence of the resignation of Mr Clifford, it is my duty to fill it, by the appointment of some other citizen. You are fully inform[ed]1

I shall be pleased to receive from you [an] early answer.

Enclosed we hand you a slip from Fowleks Evening Herald. Notice the remarks relative to the Departure of Genls Scott & Pillow from Mexico,1

We, think it unnecessary to say more & will not assign our names. Our whole object is to show you who is you Enemies at the same time professing to be you friends.

The President’s presents his respects to Genl. Pierce, and requests, that he will take a family dinner with him to day at 3 1/2 O.Clock P.M.

I pray you to allow me the honour of introducing to you Mr. Henry Guy, of Mexico, the cashier of the Real del Monte Silver Mines, who will pass a few days at Washington before setting out for England.

Mr. Guy is a gentleman of high standing, and has availed himself of his ample opportunities to befriend some of our officers in Mexico when in circumstances to make his kindness to them important.

I have received your letter of the 4th ultimo. You inform me that the boy Joe , has behaved badly, but that he is at home again. I hope that he will remain at home and do his duty. I wish you to release him from his confinement, beat him well, and if he leaves you again, I wish you to request Mr Leigh to dispose of him, and procure another hand in his place. The draft which Mr Leigh drew on me in your favour for $315.76. has been presented to me and has been paid. I have not yet sold my last year’s crop of cotton, and will not do so, at the present low prices. As soon as I sell I will inform you of the amount which is due to the hands, and will authorize you to pay it over to them. Tell them that they will be sure to get their money as soon as the cotton is sold. After you finish cultivating the crop this summer, I wish you to employ any time you may have, before the gathering season, in clearing more land, as I expect to increase the force for next year. In your next letter I wish you to inform me whether the blacksmith Harry gets work enough from the neighbourhood to keep him employed, and whether he is profitably employed.

I have received your favour of the 30th ult. in which you have kindly tendered to me office of Attorney General of the United States. I feel very sensibly the honour you have conferred on me by selecting me to fill so responsible a situation, and one so intimately connected with the Administration of the government. No one should be willing to take an appointment by which he is brought into such close connection with the Executive, who does not feel that he can cheerfully accord with and fully sustain the views and leading policy of the Administration. As to these I have no difficulty. I cordially approve them. They have been wise and patriotic, and greatly advanced the honor and interests of the whole country.

I feel, nevertheless, constrained to decline the office, and from motives entirely disconnected with public or political considerations. My professional engagements are so extended, that I could not abandon them, at this time, without great sacrifice. The duties also, which I owe my family are such as I may not neglect. These are grounds which are imperative in their nature, and upon which it is not needful I should enlarge. Under other circumstances it would have afforded me great pleasure to have accepted the appointment.

I beg that you will receive my acknowledgments for this unexpected mark of confidence, and believe me to be . . . .

P. D. VROOM

I nough take the oppitunity of writing you a few lins concurning youre plantation and the bisness. Sir youre people are all well at present.

We have a good stand of coten and of corn and in good order. I am in hops it will be a good year for to crop & we will make a good crop. I rought you in my last Leter that all of youre groceres had come safe to hand.

Mr. J. T Leigh told me that he had got the tax recete and that all of your Land was safe. All so the forty that he pade Twenty five dollars or Last yeare the tax had bin pade on it. The stock all Lucks well.

Sir I have to Let you nough that the boy Joe Lefeft me agane on the 28 of May Last.

The outher hands behaves vary well.

I have nothing Mor worth youre attention only Remane . . . .

It gives me pleasure to comply with the request of Congress, by transmitting to you, an authenticated copy of a Joint Resolution of that body, approved on the 9th ultimo, entitled “Joint Resolution of thanks to Major General Taylor.”1

The Office of Attorney General of the United States, having become vacant, in consequence of the resignation of Mr Clifford , it is proper that I should fill it by the appointment of some other citizen. Presuming, from a general knowledge of your opinions and views, that they accord with my own, upon all the leading public questions now before the country, and believing that you approve the general policy of my administration, and would cordially co-operate with me, in sustaining and carrying it out, it gives me pleasure to tender for your acceptance, the office of Attorney General of the United States.

In inviting you to accept this important station in my Cabinet, I have been influenced by the conviction of your eminent qualifications to fill it, and that in the discharge of its duties you could render me essential aid in conducting my administration.

In the event of your acceptance, it is desireable that you should enter upon the duties of the office at your earliest convenience.

I have to request an early answer.

I should have written to you on my arrival at Nashville but concluded to defer it until it was ascertained whether the Treaty was ratified or rejected. The news of its ratification has arrived. Permit me to congratulate you on the successful and happy termination of the War. It is the crowning act of your Adminstration.2

The selection of Cass & Butler as the candidates of the Democratic party has given universal satisfaction to the party in this Section of Country. I have not heard the first murmur. In fact I doubt whether any other ticket would have been recieved with half the inthusiam. Many of the Clay Whigs about Nashville are dissatisfied at the nomination of Genl Taylor and say they will not vote for him. Among them Doct. B. Mcnary, the most of them however will be whipt in by the Election. (Inter nos) Old Zac will give us employment enough particularly in Tennessee. I do hope the same Lethargy will not prevail here as did Last year. It was the fault of a few of the Leaders of the party that we were defeated. If our Electors will do their duty (they are capable) Tennessee I think will come out “right side up.” I have written more lengthily than I intended. I would transcribe the letter but have not time, you will therefore please excuse mistakes. Be obigling enough to present my best respects to Mrs. Polk and accept for yourself my best wishes too for your prosperity and happiness. . . .

I have the honour to acknowledge your letter of the 8th inst, inviting me to a seat in your cabinet in the important station of attorney General of the United States.

I fully appreciate the high honour conferred on me by the selection.

Concurring, as I do most assuredly, in your views upon all the leading questions now before the country, & approving the general policy of your distinguished Administration, it will require not only no sacrifice of principle or feeling on my part, but be my highest pleasure & duty to co-operate with you in carrying it out.

Entertaining these views, I am aware of no obstacle in the way of my accepting the place tendered me in such flattering terms, & I propose therefore to repair to Washington the ensuing week for the purpose of entering upon its duties.

The undersigned beg leave, most respectfully, to introduce to the President of the United States, the Revd. Dr. Gannett, a distinguished clergyman of Massachusetts, closely connected by marriage with Lieut B. P. Tilden jr, of the second Infantry, whose most lamentable case has already been brought to the President’s notice. Dr Gannett’s objecte, is, to invoke the attention of the President to the proceedings of the Court, by which Lt Tilden was condemned; as it is fully believed that the proceedings of that Court, & the Evidence before it, cannot justify the sentence which was pronounced.

I beg herewith to transmit the enclosed documents and correspondence relative to an unfortunate error seriously affecting a citizen of the United States now resident in Canton, Robert P. De Silver Esq.1

It appears that a private letter addressed you by the late Mr. Everett, under date of Dec. 1[6]th2

The request of Mr. De Silver that the correction should be filed in the Archives of the Legation and forwarded to the President, is so reasonable and just, that I have most cordially complied therewith. Whilst feeling deeply upon the subject, his refutation of the charge has been made in a gentlemanly and unimpassioned manner, leaving the facts of the case, and the accompanying voucher of Mr. Forbes, to shew the injustice he has sustained.

How the original error of associating Mr. De Silver with the transaction arose does not appear from the questions put to “Tingkwa” by the Consul. But as Mr. De Silver was a member of the firm of Tiers Bourne & Co. at the time the memorial was presented, the idea probably never occurred to Mr. Everett that there was a fundamental error in its representing him as such, at the time of the transaction; and were he living none would be more prompt to receive the correction, and as far as possible to repair the injury it has inflicted.

The enclosed Statements will remove all the unjust imppressions the error has produced, and so far as it has deprived Mr. De Silver of any advantages in the gift of the President, I doubt not that any feasible reparation in the power of the goverment will be cheerfully rendered him.

I have been too much engaged to see you to-day.

I could not see Johnson of Georgia yesterday, because the Senate had adjourned before I reached the Capitol.

To-day they were in secret session—but I happened to meet with his wife, with whom I had formed a most agreeable acquaintance. She has a strong mind and is a republican in her sentimets, and proud of her husband. I tried my Eloquence upon her. She believes he will support the Compromise.

I suppose you have heard by Telegraph to-day, that Sevier would reach Vera Cruz by the 19th. They had attempted (Paredes & Co.) a Revolutin in the Governmnt, and assassinated five of the friends of Peace.

The accompanying papers and printed volume, have been transmitted to me, by Ex. Governor Swain of N. Carolina, now President of the University of that state, with a request that I would forward them to you.1

I have not written to you for many months, first because I had nothing of interest to communicate, and secondly because there has been no relaxation of my labours since you left. Every moment of my time is occupied, and I am compelled to neglect almost entirely, my correspondence with my friends.

It may I think be regarded as certain that there is peace with Mexico. A despatch recived from Messrs Sevier & Clifford under date of the 25th ultimo at Queretero, announcs the fact of the ratification of the Treaty by both branches of the Mexican Congress.2

The Presidential contest promises to be a violent one. Factions of each party, are not satisfied with their respective nominees. The New York Barnburners are producing great embarrassment in the Democratic party. They are highly excited & I fear irreconcilable. The great probability is that their course will ensure the vote of N. York to the Whig candidate. I am however confident that the Democracy can elect Genl. Cass without the vote of New York. I hope they may be able to do so.

I am rejoiced that I shall soon retire from the incessant labours, cares and anxieties of my office, which as you know have been very great during my whole term. With the respectful salutations of Mrs. Polk and myself to Mrs. Bancroft : . . . .

You will be informed by the Secretary of State that I have acceded to your wishes to be recalled from your mission. Senator Bagby of Alabama has been nominated to the Senate & been confirmed by body as your Successor. Mr Bagby thinks he will be ready to sail from the United States, sometime between the middle and last of July. I have informed him of your desire to leave St. Petersburg early in August, and he will on that account hasten his departure. I have by and with the advice and consent of the Senate appointed your son Colin Ingersoll , to be Secretary of Legation. Mr Bagby is anxious that he should remain with him. I hope he will do so. Should he desire to return to the U. Stats, in the course of a few months, he would of course be permitted to resign the situation. His intimate acquaintance with the business of the Legation, will enable him to be very useful to Mr Bagby , especially for the first months after he enters upon the duties of the Mission. Mr Buchanan thinks it desireable that you should not leave, before the arrival of Mr Bagby . He will however write to you on the subject.

I think it may be regarded as certain that there is peace with Mexico. A despatch received from Messrs Sevier & Clifford , dated as Queretero on the 25th ultimo, announces that the Treaty as amended by our Senate, had been ratified by both branches of the Mexican Congress.1

I have received your letter of the 5th Instant,1

The boy Joe I am satisfied will do me no good. When he shall be again reclaimed, I concur with you in opinion that I ought not to retain him. He has been treated well, but he may be better satisfied to live with some one else. If you can do so, I will be obliged to you to dispose of him for me, and if an opportunity offers, to purchase another hand in his place.

Like yourself, I have not yet sold my cotton & will not do so at present prices. I hope the present troubled state of affairs in Europe may be of short duration. When they are over, we may expect better prices.

The committee of Arrangements most Respectfully invite the President, and the Honorable members of his Cabinet, to attend the ceremony of laying the Corner Stone of the Washington National Monument on the fourth day of July next.

The order of forming the procession will be duly made known.

Pardon my dear Sir the liberty I take in addressing you on behalf of my son G W. Custis Lee, whose desire to enter the military academy at west Point is so intense that I have promised to use every exertion in my power to aid him in effecting his purpose. In presenting him to you for the service of his county, I offer one whose powers both intellectual & physical are equal to any exertion. He will be 18 in September next & if you could give me any assurance that he should obtain a commission for the 1st June 1849 I should be infinitely indebted to you, as I wish him to spend the intervening time in preparing for the course of study at West Point. I do not know that I have made this application according to established rule, or that you would make any promise so long beforehand, but if you will only intimate to me that my application shall be remembered at the proper time you will perhaps have conferred as great a benefit on the Country as did Genl Jackson when he appointed his father Capt R. E. Lee of the Engineers of whose valuable services you are well informed. You will excuse this letter elicited by the anxiety of a mother’s heart, & if you will favor me with a reply address to Arlington, near Alexandria Va.

I have hesitated a long time as to the propriety of addressing you a letter but I trust you will excuse the liberty and the intrusion. Your friendly offers to me when I had the pleasure of seeing you have induced me to trouble you with one or two requests. Since my return from Mexico I find myself out of employment and almost out of means and urgent necessity compels me to ask for favours from Washington (where my unsettled business at this time prevents me from going as I would wish). I have been informed that there was a probability of some two or three mounted regiments being raised to act in this portion of the country and on the Rio Grande line. If such be the case, I solicit the command of one of them. If there is to be an expedition to Calafornia (as is reported) or a command raised to open a military road I would be much gratified to be appointed to It. I have an intimate knowledge of the whole Country from the coast to near Chihuaha and might be of service in exploreing the route to that country. Any service the President may render me will be ever most gratefully remembered by this . . . .

Believing, that the enclosed,2

I was just in the act of starting to see you When the rain set in. It is now 9 oclock, & knowing your feeble health & the necessity of your having repose, I have thought it best not to come up to night.

My self & wife will be up tomorrow.

The committee of Arrangements, having decided on the 15th to invite, the President of the United States, and the Honorable members of his Cabinet; the Vice President: Senate; and officers, the Speaker: House of Representatives; and officers, chief Justice Taney, and the other members of the Supreme court of present, and chief Judge, Cranch, to attend the Ceremony of laying the Corner Stone on the fourth of July next letters were prepared at this office to give effect to the decision, and sent to Gen Henderson the Chairman, for his signature. Under the conviction that he had replaced the communications as he found them, the envelopes were not opened on being returned, but were sealed and immediately sent to the Post office.

I learn with deep regret that in the hurry of the transaction, those communications were placed by him, in envelopes to which they did not belong. Be pleased to receive this as an apology for the error to repair which I send you duplicate of the invitation, intended to have been sent to you before.2

Gen Henderson is at Norfolk, and the invitation will be signed by other members of the Committee.

I regret that my apparent obstinacy in holding on to my late office should have given you the anxiety I am assured it has. I would have resigned long ago could I have done so honorably.

At the head of the few, personally insignificant, persons, who, by unwearied importunity & misrepresentation, obtained the host of names for Dunlap, are the Post master of this City & Clapp, who holds his place, by means of money & like servile importunity, for a scrap, to Congress, and were much elated by Dunlaps success. But the report, let out by Mr Moore, that an appointment on the Commission to pass on the Mexican claims would be offered me, has depressed & greatly disturbed them. They dread, as is said, my presence at Washington & it is supposed may make an effort to prevent your offering me this place.

It is possible they may have the presumption to do so, & even get our Delegation in Congress to get up some other name, “to head you off” in this as they say they have done in the other case. Hamblin is hostile, for my name was used against him as Senator two years ago, Bradbury is selfish & with the others I have very slight acquaintance, they are not men of whom I ever have or can ask a favour.

I do not like to appear importunate, but, under existing circumstances, I should be doubly gratified to receive from yourself the appointment in proposed Mexican Commission, & trust that no efforts of these men, should they have the assurance again to assail you, will divert you from the favourable intentions you have expressed toward me.

Permit me to approach you on the subject of the enclosed letter which I this day received.1

The accompanying letter from Govr. Edwards of Missouri2

We are this evening closing our harvest, & it is by far the best I have ever had.

We have it in rumour that you will visit the Warrenton Springs this season as soon as Congress leave[s]3

For the country & our principles, I doubly regret that we are so soon to loose you in the high trust you have signalized, so usefully & so eminently; but you are yet young in contrast with your predecessors & the hope may be indulged, that before many years elapse, your return to the same trust, may present the first instance to the country of your voluntary retirement from power & your recall to it for a nations benefit.

The enclosed draft covers the pay of Mr. Trist up till the 16th November the day he received notice of his recall & one quarter’s salary for his infit.2

If you think proper to allow him an infit, then the enclosed may be paid.

My son J Albert was in Madison during the canvass for United States Senators, he went on as the friend of Judge Dunn who he says should have been Elected. Judge Dunn was and is the friend of the Administration, supports it in all its measures, and was too independent to pledge himself for the Wilmot proviso as those did who were elected. Govr. Dodge’s Election was obtain’d by his visiting in person nearly all the Members of the Legislature immediately after the Election, and pledg’d himself for the Wilmot proviso, this secured his Election, altho if left without this pledge would have been in the Manority about 15 votes. Walker is also pledg’d for the Wilmot proviso.

Having now before you how these men will moove on the Wilmot proviso question, you can judge what will be their action on other questions that will closely interest your other measures—this may appear strange after the result of the last state Election, when the Democracy carried the State by 5000 a Majority—this is in some measure accounted for, when I say, New York influence has had much to do in it. Notwithstanding this U States Senator Election, the real Democracy has the Voice of the people with them, and will in all after Elections prove it so. This New York influence has given us much trouble, and rises up at every time it finds the friends of the admn. asleep—Cunning, shrew & designing, a watchful care must be observ’d.

Since the Nomination of Van Buren & Dodge by the Utica convention, all is quiet here, and these men who labour for N York influence are quiet waiting to see popular opinion—before we moove, we desire to see action on the part the Barn Burner influence here, this ever fully developig itself will be suitably met. Our United States Senators as also our representatives have a precarious part to act, their after continuence in office will depend on their action in Congress.

Having now plainly and [naritively]1

The several candidates now brought before the people for the presidency causes much agitation—several are waiting the course things are likely to take, and have no doubt a little time will settle the question. As regards the Vote for the Nominee of the Baltimore convention I have no doubt of Wisconsin—Nor have I of all the North West. It may not be amiss here to state, that Dodge is connected by ties of Marriage to Senator Benton, who will have influence over him.

Van Buren has sunk himself greatly in the estimation of the Democracy, which he will learn after the Election.

It is my painful duty to transmit to you the enclosed letters from Mr. R. C. Pearson, announcing the distressing and Melancholy intelligence that your Dear Mother is no more.1

Your aunt requests to be remembered kindly to you. She sympathises with you, in your irreparable loss, and requests that you will write to her soon.

Your affectionate Uncle

Pursuant to a Joint Resolution of Congress approved the 3d of March 1847, I have caused to be prepared, and now have the honor to present to you the gold medal voted to you by that resolution as a testimony of the high sense entertained by Congress of your judicious and distinguished conduct in the brilliant military operations at Monterey, Mexico, in September 1846.

Received your leter of the 5 ultimo. Sir we are all in Resonable helthe.

We at this time have fine seasons. The crop of corn & coten Lucks well. I think if the season continurs favorable we will make a fine crop. The crop is in Good order. We will short ly be gin on the clothing & clearing. The stock all Locks well.

The blacksmith Harry is working fine ly. He has had the Rhumatism in the ankels but is goten well of them. Sir hary has not as much work to dough for the naberhood as he could do the But the are all ples with his work. I kept the boy fan sir with him untwil Harry could manage It himself. I have your farm a good set of Twols. In short tim fan sir will commens with him a gane. We have some Nework on hand we will try and sell. Daphny has a fin child she calds it Palina Born 16th of June.

Allow me to introduce to your acquaintance my son Lucius Campbell who visits Washington for the purpose of delivering to the State Department John Lyttle who under instructions issuing from your energetic administration that has so signally enforced Justice to our Countrymen has been redeemed from a bondage of eleven years upon a Sugar Estate in the interior of this Island. And you will allow to avail myself of this opportunity to express the hope that my management of the affair meets yr. approval.

I desire to countervail any statements to the effect that the Grand Jury have “triumphantly acquitted” Mr Burke of any charges. I have reason to beleive the case is not dismissed. Not having it in my power improperly to command information I can only say that as far as I can judge from queries put to me that it is not the facts but the laws that do not seem to reach the case. That the Subtreasury or other laws may not do so, is Mr Burke’s luck and not my fault. To end this matter, Sir, please let the accused and the accuser meet face to face before some competent and public board of Examiners authorized by you to investigate these charges through all their bearings. The Hon Secy of State (as I learned from Mr J. Knox Walker) although authorized by you to investigate these charges, has to this day left me without letter or line from him upon the subject. My movements elsewhere were the consequence and were so shaped (much to my detriment) as not to interfere with Executive Action. I now formally ask your Excellency to take cognizance of these charges and bring them before some tribunal for investigation.

In behalf of numerous friends in the state of New York I recommend & urge the removal at once of such prominent federal office holders in that state as are engaged in attempting to defeat the nominees of the late Democratic National Convention. If this is not done, whatever the alleged reason may be, it is a practical concession that they are so far right & the Democratic party in its chosen agents so far wrong that their hostility must be endured by the party who furnish the position & the means for their own assault. So far as I know or believe there is not a single democrat in the state who is not anxious for their removal. By “democrat” I mean those who support the measures & candidates of the party & not those who support either Hale or Van Buren.

If this defection is different from all others it may perhaps require a treatment I do not understand but if it is like those which have gone before it its mischief will be best prevented by treating it as other defections have been treated. The disorganisers will vote against the party in any event—they cannot do more if repudiated by the administration. Besides should it be seen that the administration marked them by its disapprobation they could not hereafter lead astray those who have honest intentions but are as weak as they (the leaders) are wicked & shameless. No campaign can be fought in New York under present circumstances for our most efficient men refuse to move. I am aware that some may found who recommend a different course but they either know nothing about it—sympathise with the defection, or lack moral courage to do right lest they may be accused of doing wrong.

I intended to have seen you but cannot this morning & begging for early action I send you this very hasty & seemingly familiar note which I hope you will excuse.

The bearer, Alphonso M. Sumner, was emancipated many years since by a relative of mine, Thos. E. Sumner, of Williamson County, Tennessee. He has for many years taught school in Cincinnati, Ohio. He is anxious to visit Liberia, for the purpose of obtaining information of the country which may be useful to his colored bretheren in the United States who may wish to emigrate to that country. His means are limited, and he wishes to know whether he will be permitted to go, in any capacity, in any one of the Goverment vessels which may be ordered to the coast of Africa. Alphonso had testimonials of his uniform good deportment from many highly respectable gentlemen, to which I desire to add my own. I have no doubt but that the favor, should he be permitted to go as he desires, will be properly appreciated by him, and that it will redound to the welfare of the free colored population of our country.

The Comt on Territories, have this morning directed me, to report Bills, for the Organization of Territorial Govts. in Upper California & New Mexico.

If your engagements permit I should be glad to confer with you at such hour as you may name after 4 Oclk this Evening. The bearer of this note will return me your answer.

I have the honor to inform you that in the matter of the charges preferred by me against Mr Burke to the Grand Jury I was before them a considerable time yesterday and without being discharged, was ordered to be at hand to day. I have reason to believe, Sir, (and I might use a stronger term) that the Grand Jury are perfectly satisfied, the spirit and intent of the Subtreasury law has been violated, but that as the law is either too specific or too little so they prefer not to present Mr Burke. Were the law plainer or did it not say so distinctly that the Officer must “convert to his own use” or use “by way of investment, loan &c &c” nothing would stand between Mr Burke and an indictment. The Grand Jury may yet present him, but I think they will not—and there are minor reasons besides, for not doing so. The Executive and Congress can more fully investigate the whole of the charges, the Grand Jury is of a different political complexion from Mr Burke, and the language of the law is too specific for them to feel certain that Mr Burke could not slip through its loop-holes; when it would be said they presented him because they disliked his politics.

I fully agree with the Grand Jury in the impressions I conclude they have taken.

The House committee on Patents meet to day for the first time since the presentation of my petition.

Sir Permit me to say that all my movements are the suggestions of self-preservation and not and1

Hughs is making good progress with your house & I think will finish it in time and in good style. The directions to finish off another front are consider’d very judicious. I examined & found that three or four lotts can be laid off & sold on the west, without detriment to the balance of the premises for some Six or Eight thousand dollars according to the payments. Nicholson I suppose has written you in relation to the probability of a compromise about the title.2

In relation to politics—the nominations—probable result of the comeing election in the State, I have but little to say beyond the expression of opinion that the State is in a very salvable condition. My own position is a very disagreeable one. Many of my personal friends believe that I have devoted enough of my time, health & means to former elections & I find it difficult to persuade them that I have not been strangely pretermitted if not neglected in the distribution of honors &c. Beside this if I pour my accustomd energies into this election there are certain democrats who look forward to advancement from Cass when elected who would be likely to become jealous of me if I became too prominent in the canvass. Added to these considerations, the Whig leaders here (you know them) are beginning to whisper already, that the only reason why I would consent to perform so much labor must be, that having been disappointed in not getting any thing under your administration I am disposed to make a desperate struggle to succeed better under the approaching one. Now these insinuations are annoying to my friends and are well calculated to lessen my efficiency in this canvass. When I consented to accept it, I did not know but it might have to be faught on the old issues of 1844 both as to persons & measures & not being willing to see it fall on the hands of those I knew to be disaffected & disinclined to let the State sustain its own Citizen, I consented to take it to prevent such a result. But those I have so long delighted to cooperate with & to serve, are now no longer interested & I lack motive for encountering so hard & so severe a contest, except what simply arises from the desire to advance my principles. You remember that I adverted to this peculiarity of my position in a former letter & suggested that the mere offer of some high position with your administration which I should certainly decline, would have a good effect to remove the stifled dissatisfaction of some of my friends & disarm my enemies of their insidious mode & subject of attack,3

I never wanted to get into the vortex of our State elections & I never wanted office under your administration. But I did seek a connection with the New paper to be establishd as your organ at Washington4

The people in the west are excited to some extent on the subject of the Presidential election, but less than they have been at any former election for twenty years. The whigs are striving to excite the people for Genl Taylor, but it wont work. They are flored in a moment when we call on his principles, when we ask how many negroes he Ownes, what are his opinions on the improvement of Harbour &c (The slope) at once. But misary loves company (you know) and when we tell them that the whig farmers are opposed to Taylor they say they are aware that both nominations are objectionable. In this city of anti slavery men, and many rank abolitionists, we have some Trouble, & Martin Vanburen with his Barn Burning faction, will be remembered & marked while his head is hot. If ever a man Truckled to catch Southern votes it was Martin V & his ingratitude to the South and his democratic friends in the north and west deserves the execration of all honest democrats. I have gone all lengths to support sustain and defend him But I am done with him forever.

There is One thing worthy of profound consideration. Martin Vanburan & his party can have no prospect of electing their man (whether he or some other) and their prime object is nothing less or more than to defeat Genl Cass and elect Genl Taylor. At the bottom of this plot is the foundation of a sectional party that is to overwhelm the South. The leaders boast that the prime object of electing Taylor is to make the South and slavery as Odious as practicable. In this view of the matter what should the South do? It is due to the west to have the President. The South should at once see that to defeat all the plots and schemes laid by Vanburan and whigery united, would be blown skie high in the election of Genl Cass who would make a national and not a sectional President. I know your official station should have forbidden me to address to you a politial epistle, But my dear Sir knowing me you well know how to excuse it. Remembr howevr that Ohio will go for Cass and that the efforts of a litle ineficent paper here whose edittor is evidently strongly Tinctured with abolition can amout to but little. It is small potatoes and the only democratic paper in the state that has bolted.

The western reserve has determind against Taylor and he will loose that strong federal vote that always gave us trouble in Ohio.

It is due to myself and not disrespectful to you for me once more to approach you and call your attention to the appeal I made to you on the 26th June last, against the act of the Commr of Patents suspending me from my duties simply because I dared to prefer charges against him. I am at a loss to conceive what crime I have committed by so doing, and still more so to understand upon what principles, having justice and duty for their basis, that act of the Commr’s can be sustained or allowed to remain in force. Page 5, Nos 3 and 4 of the enclosed pamphlet contains a printed copy of the appeal.1

It may be said, though not very deductively, that I subsequently asked and you granted a board to examine the charges which called forth this letter of suspension.2

Sir, please excuse the plain language of an American Citizen who says he intends to come out of this matter of charges against the Commr of Patents in a manner satisfactory to the consciences of every honest man and who, to that end, in this point of suspension throws himself under the power and sense of justice of The President of The United States by renewing his appeal.

I am anxious to send my Message to the Ho of Reps, in answer to their Resolutions of the 10th Instant and will invite you to send to me the information which I requested, in relation to the public lands in New Mexico & Upper California, as soon as the same can be prepared.3

I have the honor to communicate, herewith, a letter from the Commissioner of the General Land Office, with accompanying statements A and B, containing so much of the information called for in the resolution referred by you to this department, as it has been in my power to procure at present.1

The statement B is believed to contain a correct abstract of the official report from the land office of Texas, in 1845, to the convention which framed the constitution of that State. It will be perceived by that report, that the superficies of Texas, assuming the boundary fixed by the laws of that State, is about 397,000 square miles, or 254,248,166 acres; whereas the area of Texas, with the same boundary, according to Disturnell’s map, and the calculation of the Commissioner of our General Land Office, is 325,529 square miles, or 208,332,800 acres.

The territory of California and New Mexico, west of the Rio Grande, acquired by the treaty with Mexico, is estimated, according to Disturnell’s map, and by the Commissioner of our General Land Office, at 526,078 square miles, or 336,689,920 acres.

By statement B it would appear that the whole amount of Mexican grants, within these assumed limits of Texas, is estimated at their land office at 22,080,000 acres, “a portion of which is supposed to be invalid.”

If the proportion of Mexican grants should be the same in the territory above referred to, west of the Rio Grande, it would leave the amount of public domain in that territory nearly equal to 468,750 square miles, or three hundred millions of acres.

This department has not been able to obtain any authentic information as to the extent of Mexican grants within this territory, west of the Rio Grande. It is believed, however, to be very small, except within the most western slope, fronting on the Pacific.

Suffer me, although trembling beneath the infirmities of almost fourscore years, to address a few words to you. We who have so long sat dumb with grief would open our lips. We would express the gratitude of our burdened hearts. Our Son that was lost is found. He has exchanged the noxious air of a dungeon for the pure breath of Heaven among these granite hills. He is with us to cheer us, to comfort us in the decline of life, and to make us forget the days of our mourning. You alone had power to bestow upon us the blessing of his presence, and how shall we acknowledge our obligation to you? Words fail us. We can only say that though you know not how great is the favor you have granted for we did not expect to have seen his face again on the shores of time. We pray you may be abundantly rewarded for this act of mercy: And when you like us stand upon the thresh-hold of time may the remembrance of this and similar acts of mercy gild your departing hours. May God bless you and keep you through time, and at last receive you to blest mansions above. So pray . . . .

I nough right you a few lins concerning your people and plantation. We have had a young woman to dy by the name of caroline Henly wone that Col Campbell Bought for you. She dyed on the 20 of this month. The people are all well Except won of the children complayning. The corn crop is vary good.

The coten crop is vary good but we have had rather two much Rane lately. We are nough clearing land & making cloth for the winter clothing. The stock all Locks as well as coul be exspected. I think we will rase aplenty of Polk for the plantation.

I have nothing more of intrust.

You will pardon me for not having done my self the honor of waiting upon you, when in Washington, on my return from Mexico, the morning I had set aside for this purpose, I was informed you were engaged with the Honl the Secty of the Navy, and being under orders to report to New York, my time was necessarily short.1

Hand the enclosed to Mrs. Polk.2

I am again in excellent health, as is Mrs. Catron.

If it be possible, have the Territory bill, for Oregon, California, & New Mexico, passd. before Congress adjourns—& 36° 30" fixed as the Slave line—and I hope a man of high energy will be selected to establish the new treaty line; who will, if possible do it by the 4th of March next.

As Mr Stevenson is often absent from home, attending to his Rail Road & other business, I enclose to you the accompanying open letter addressed to him, and request that you will read it, and in the event of his absence that you will attend to it for me.1

I am busey in my office as usual. Congress has fixed upon no day of adjournment, and will not do so, until the compromise bill upon the slavery question, as applicable to the organization of Territorial Governments in Oregon, Upper California & New Mexico, now before the Senate shall either have been passed or rejected. In its present form the ultimate decision of the question is referred to the Judiciary. It is thought it will pass the Senate by a decided majority. No calculation approximating accuracy can be made as to the vote of the House.

I write in haste.

This will be handed to you by Mr G. A. Ward, who is desirous of obtaining the appointment of Secretary to the Territory of California.

I have known Mr Ward favorably for many years as a Merchant of this City, and recommend him as every way calculated to fill the appointment with honor to himself & credit to the Country.

It has been nearly a month since I heard from you. You know that I take an interest in your welfare. I hope you will conform to all the regulations of the Academy, and perform with alacrity every duty which may be required of you. If you will do this and give regular and close attention to your studies, you have talents to enable you to maintain, not only a respectable, but a high standing in your class. If you shall fail to maintain such a standing, it will be your own fault, and I shall be greatly mortified, at it. You should so conduct yourself as to avoid demerit marks, and to be always prepared for your recitations. I am frequently called upon to receive the proceedings of Courts Marshall in the case of Cadets, and in almost every case, the delinquency is to be traced to culpable inattention to duty. It is a painful duty, to confirm the sentences against them but the discipline of the Institution and the good of the service requires it. You must not make the mistaken calculation that because you are my nephew, you can be protected or receive any favour. All the Cadets stand on the same footing, and if unfortunately you should offend, you must calculate to suffer the punishment which may be awarded in your case. I hope that no such case will occur; and I know that you can avoid it, if you resolve to perform your whole duty faithfully.

It is my wish that you should write to me every two weeks. If you have nothing else to communicate, you can inform me how your health is, and how you are progressing in your studies. I shall expect to receive a letter from you once in every two weeks.

Your Uncle

There is a good deal of excitement here, about the 3 months extra pay. I therefore take leave to add, to what I said yesterday, that “in the finding of Court Martials,” where “the pay” is suspended, it includes rations & every thing else. But when the sentance operates upon pay only, the court adds pay, proper. I send this as Amicus Curia wishing prosperity to the President & his Administration.

I think it will give you pleasure to hear the opinion expressed by the Earl of Shrewsbury of Mr Martin, whom you have recently been pleased to appoint Chargé d’Affairs at Rome.

The Earl by the marriage of his two daughters with the Princes Doria & Borghese is connected with the most distinguished and influential families in Italy, and he is besides as you of course well know, the leading Catholic Peer of England.

“I wish to tell you,” he says, “that we found Mr Martin a particularly clever, entertaining, gentlemanly, and high principled person. He was just the man to select for Rome; his Catholic prepossessions are very strong.”

From one whose position affords such excellent opportunities of forming a correct judgment, this opinion is interesting, and I have therefore taken the liberty of transmitting it to you—trusting that you know how dear to me is the praise of all that is American.

I learn from Miss VanNess that Mrs. Polk is looking quite well, and that you have quite recovered your health. Will you favour me by offering to Mrs. Polk my most kind remembrance. My conversations with Genl Armstrong about America are among my great sources of happiness.

I blush to speak to you of this suffering country—we are in fact in a state of revolution, and from the reports of today, we seem little short of the state of the continent; it is in vain that the government papers turn the Confederations of Ireland into ridicule—it is in vain that armies are sent out against them. When the Habeas Corpus Act is suspended, in what are Englishmen and Irishmen better off than the serfs of Russia? And an imbecile Administration, a renegade Whig faction, sleep on the brink of the volcano, and think that thus they shall govern & triumph! In fatal security, in cruel recklessness they have voted coercion—but every honest and clear sighted man condemns their course of folly. Meanwhile we have again the potato disease in all its severity, but as you are blessed with an unusually early and abundant harvest, this is of less importance. And the calamity in its ultimate influence may prove a blessing for it will utterly destroy the remnant of Protection.

I remain, my dear Sir,

your faithful friend

and loyal subject

Genl Butler has the pleasure to inform the President in reply to his note of this date1

I suppose some warlike expedition is contemplated & not a Buffaloe hunt.1

Ought not the Govt. to look to it?

Your letter of the 17th of June & its enclosures reached me so seasonably, that I was able to reply to Governor Swain on the Fourth day of July. I did not fail to make particular search in the archives of this Government for all that related to the early movements for liberty in North-Carolina. Governor Sir James Wright of Georgia was the first to send from America a copy of the Mecklenburg Resolves; & that copy is still in its place. I had already had a copy made of them, & was exalting in the thought of my great discovery, when I found that simultaneously with myself Governor Swain had succeeded in finding a copy of them in Charleston. So much the better: history gains, though I lose the pleasure of being the first to recover for North Carolina a document of such surpassing interest in her history. Connected with the Mecklenburg Resolves are two or three little passages in letters & journals, of which I will send you copies at some future day, if you desire them. The Archives abound also with papers on the Regulators, which show those ill-used men to have been pioneers in the valley of the Mississippi & patriots always. After the defeat of the Americans under Gates, the Regulators were among the principal resources of the patriot-party in rallying anew & recovering the Carolinas under the lead of Greene. And they knew what they were about; claiming to be in the regular line of succession from the opponents to the Stamp Act. Indeed I do not think that the instincts of any state turned more directly towards freedom than those of the people of the midland counties of North Carolina, or that any started earlier in the career of independence, or pursued that end with more perseverance.

The ratified treaty with Mexico soon followed your letter. I know not what is said of this treaty at home; but an American abroad cannot but see that it is one of the greatest events of our time. So it is viewed by British Statesmen; so it is regarded by those of our countrymen who stay in Europe long enough to form their judgments or indulge their patriotic feelings independent of party influences. Every one sees that the Pacific Ocean falls under the peaceful influence of our flag: & that it is our civilization which is to make its impression on the islands in that immense waste of water and on the opposite continent. Japan & China are brought near to the United States: & the Sandwich Islands become to us far more valuable than Southern Africa ever was or ever will be to England. This country will scarce make a struggle to dispute our supremacy in the mighty West; & will find its attention more and more engaged by its domestic difficulties. The struggles in Europe are but beginning: & will not rest, til every vestige of feudal nobility is effaced; and the power of the people shall have superseded that of hereditary princes. That the era of the commencement of the great struggle, which will go on for generations, is contemporary with your administration, is an additional testimony to its merit. I have been, in the short period of my residence here, the witness to the great advancement, which the American name has in the last three years made in the respect of all Europe & in the affections of all lovers of free Government. Switzerland will at once succeed in imitating our constitution; France will succeed but not quite so soon; Germany openly avows that she takes America for her model in her desire of effecting the union of States which desire like our own to preserve also their local & separate existence & opportunity of development; and these most expressive tributes to our institutions as well as the wish of European industry to emigrate & seek a home with us would not be at this time so rapidly on the increase, if there were not the conviction that our country is, well administered as well as well constituted. If from considering the relation of your administration to the world, you look at home, I can only say, what the near approach to its end enables me to say without fear of misconstruction, that for fidelity to the democratic principle & the best interests of our country, it has never been equaled. The establishment of the constitutional Treasury, the overthrow of protection, the adjustment of our boundary, the rigidly strict construction of the Constitution, the annexation of Texas, the purchase of New Mexico & California form a series of measures, the like of which can hardly ever again be crowded into one administration of four years, & which in the eyes of posterity will single yours out among the administrations of the century. The state of the country now shows your complete success. You have settled every great question; and when parties seek to select your successor, no one of the old issues is found so far undecided as to kindle zeal or inflame the public mind. How tame is the present contest, compared with that of 1844. The public is tranquil from apathy in the comparison. And the reason is because you have quieted the questions that then agitated the public mind. This is my great source of grief at the course of a portion (which in the end as I believe, will be found to be a very small portion) of the democracy of the North, in its secession. They put at hazard the great measures which your administration has perfected, & in which the public with unusual unanimity is beginning to acquiesce. The business men of New York at this time dread a change, and enter reluctantly upon the struggle. I think as ill of slavery as Mr Van Buren can do, & should deplore any measures that would stimulate the increase of the African race within our limits; but I cannot see how a party organization, comprising whigs of every hue, men who were loudest in denouncing Mr Van Buren eight years ago, can by any possibility tend to accomplish that end. The protest of old against slavery, the declaration of human equality in our great title-deed of independence, the suppression of the Slave trade, the gradually increasing tenderness towards the black, the Ordinance of 1787, the acts of Congress containing slavery, all came from the judgment of the country, including south and north; and I see no good reason for not continuing to abide by that which shall be the enlightened judgment of the collective country.

But I have written more than you will have time to read, though I have by no means said all that was on my mind in reference to your position before the democratic party & the country. Looking on from a distance, I say with you, the democracy can succeed even without New York; thanks to the vigor infused into it by an administration which with all its personal enemies, has satisfied the judgment & the pride & the patriotism of the country. I hope it will succeed.

Mrs. Bancroft joins me in desiring our affectionate regards to Mrs Polk & in sending you our best wishes for your happiness.

In obedience to your directions, and in answer to the Resolution of the Senate of the 18th July ultimo, I have the honor to transmit copies of correspondence and papers on file, which contain all the information in possession of this Department, relating to the seizure or capture of the American ship Admittance on the Coast of California, by a vessel of war of the United States. The papers and documents transmitted show “what proceedings have occurred in regard to the said vessel or her cargo,” so far as they are known at this Department.1

The inclosed letter sent me by Genl Combs 1

When I saw you, early in July, you supposed, as I then did, that the unhappy divisions of the Democracy in this State, would have the effect to give the Electoral vote to Genl. Taylor—since Genl. Taylor’s letter of acceptance and the strange union, at Buffalo, of Whigs, Abolitionists and a large portion of the Democracy of this state—(unless ere the election, some other mighty change comes over the People of the Empire state.) Genl. Taylor cannot get the Vote, and consequently cannot be elected by the People. The election may, perhaps, go to the House of Representatives and if so, Gov. Cass will, doubtless, be elected.

I have just seen a very intelligent Gentleman of Connecticut (commissioner of school Fund.) who has been spending a few weeks in Northern Ohio, he says Genl. Taylor has not the least chance in that section of Ohio. In our flourishing Town, he remarked to some Gent., you are mostly whigs here. Yes was the reply and he added all go for Taylor, I suppose. The reply was Taylor cannot get 3 votes in Town out of several hundred. . . .

I recd the enclosed reply1

I learn from Mr Johnson that Gen Shields declines the appointment of Governor of Oregon. I hasten to say that I hope you may find it consistant with your public duties to confer the appointment on Gen Joseph Lane of Indiana. I know he would gladly accept and would be ready to leave for Oregon on 12 hours notice. The only difficulty would be the want of means which to some extent would be furniished to him by the goverment.

I do hope when you receive this note you will not say to yourself, that your wife is as annoying as the office seekers, persecuting you where ever you go, by compelling you to open and read a little budget of nonsense of my own sad complaints that I am seperated from you.

Yesterday not being very well, I kept my room and felt disconsolate; Every thing bore the appearance of unusual quietness. The door bell only rung a few times.

This morning our friends got off at last for Mt. Vernon.

I beg that you will stay long enough at Bedford to renovate your health. Greived as I may be at your absense, (don’t think I am jesting) I do not wish you to leave there before Monday week, a shorter time can not benefit you. How often do you intend to write me?

Your affectionate Wife

There is nothing of interest, transpiring since you left. I clip the following from the N.Y. Ev Post.1

I enclose a letter for Sam.2

On the 14th Instant I nominated Genl. James Shields of Illinoiis to the Senate of the United States, for the Office of Governor of the Territory of Oregon, and the nomination was on that day confirmed. Genl. Shields was notified of his appointment through the Telegraph, and has answered declining to accept. Before I left Washington to spend a few days at this place, I made known my intention, in the event Genl. Shields should decline, to appoint you in his place. Your commission has been accordingly made out, and is now forwarded to you by Mr Joseph L. Meek whom I have appointed Marshall of Oregon, and who will deliver it to you in person with this letter.1

Hoping that you may accept the appointment . . . .

I am this morning distressed on your account at the change in the weather, fearing that you will be discouraged and return home without benefit to yourself. I hope that you will not get sick, and know that you will keep a large fire, and wish that you may be able to stay as long as you intended when you left. There is nothing to call your attention back here so soon. I saw Mr. Buchanan last evening; he was full of the foreign news, but I learned nothing very specific. I did not go to church on yesterday. I coughed so much I was afraid of disturbing the congregation. I would be very happy to be with you to-day at Bedford. The visit of our family circle to Mt. Vernon has passed off very well. The trip to New York and Tennessee is still on the tapis, and when they will be accomplished is more than I can tell. I heard from you verbally on yesterday morning. I fear that you will be so taken up with the Democracy of Pennsylvania that you will not find time to write me. If it rains to-morrow as it does to-day I will look for you back on Wednesday. Not that I think you ought to come, but knowing you as well as I do, I fear that you will. I beg you to be patient and wait for sunshine.

An effort is being, or soon will be made for the removal of Gen. Gould now Marshall of the Northern District of this State. I doubt the propriety of the movement, or to say at least, its policy. Quere, Would it not be better to leave him where he is, than to turn him out before election? By the 15th of Novr. we will all know who will be President (if he live). We will also know who during the coming contest have been faithful to the Democratic faith. If Gen Gould should not be, as I believe he will not be!, faithful!!, “May his days be few & another take his office.” I would like to have it. We are laboring here as best we can for the success of the Baltimore nominees. Strange it is, that Mr. V. B should have so soon lost his Southern principles. I was at the white house by especial invitation in 1838.

The Presidint, Mr. Wright & several others besides myself were there. The main question discussed was Atherton’s resolutions. I did not believe in the propriety or necessity of passing them. The President & Mr. Wright, both, asked me what I would do with abolition petitions. I answered, I would refer them to the appropriate Committee or Committes.

If Petitioners ask for the abolishment of Slavery & the Slave trade in the district of Columbia I would refer to the Committee on that District.

If petitioners asked for the same in territories of the US, I would refer it to the committee on Territories. Wright said, what the2

Many whigs will vote for V. B. Many will stay at home & not vote at all. I believe that the Buffalo nomination will rather profit than injure us. I dont’ know but the wish may be father to the belief. We shall see whether or not the belief be well founded. Mr. Van Buren has been for many years the pet of this state. You cannot have forgotten who were his wire pullers in 47–8. Would Hoffman, Purdy, Butler, Gillett & lots of others have given you even a “quasi” support but for loaves & fishes?

The undersigned a few of your Democratic friends of Blair County having heard of your visit to Bedford Springs, feel anxious, in common with their Democratic Brethren of this place, to take by the hand and hold converse with the man who has so fully realized the expectations of the friends of Equal rights throughout the Union—and whose administration of the Government thus far has clearly illustrated, and largely contributed towards the perpetuation of, those sound democratic doctrines as held forth by Jefferson, Jackson, Madison & Monroe.

We therefore tender you a Cordial invitation to visit this place on your return to the Seat of Government. We will be happy to greet you at our mountain homes.

Mr McKeon of N. York C arrived here on yesterday and left this morning. He informed me that after consulting his two friends in N.Y. he had concluded to accept the place himself. I told him that I had said to you, that I would leave the selection to you, as you were better able to judge than I could be, who should be appointed. Since Mr McK. left, I have seen in the Pennsylvanian of the 22nd (yesterday) the statement which I enclose.2

Mr Meek reached here on the evening of the 21st bringing despatches &c. I signed Genl. Lane’s commission; wrote a letter to him, and sent a Telegraphic despatch to Louisville for him, on the same evening, and Mr Meek proceeded on his journey that night. Will you inform Mr Buchanan of this, as I have engaged to take a ride this morning and have not tiime to write to him. I will be in Washington, either on saturday evening or Monday evening.

I received your letter of the 20th1

There is nothing of interest here. Aunt Sally has got entirely well of her cold.

I received early in this month your letter of the 12th of July, but which as you inform me in a postscript, you failed to put into the mail until the latter days of that month. Before the adjournment of Congress my time was so constantly occupied, that I found it to be impossible to answer it. Since that time I have been spending a few days at this place for relaxation and the benefit of my health.

It has given me pain to learn from you, the embarrassments under which you labour in the pending political contest in the State, and it would give me still more, if I have unconsiously contributed to produce them. Surely I had no such intention and such a thought had never occurred to me, until I received your letter. You state in your letter “I never wanted office under your administration.” This I had always understood to be your true position; and this being so, I am at a loss to conceive, how any of our mutual political friends in the State, could come to the conclusion, as you state they have, that you had been “strangely pretermitted, if not neglected in the distribution of honors.” In regard to what illiberal political opponents may say, both you and I have been long enough in public life to know how little it should be regarded. They are seldom able to inflict any injury, by such means. When I held a conversation with you, at the time I was forming my cabinet, I understood your position, and have ever since understood it to be as you now state it. You returned to Tennessee not looking to the Federal Government or desiring any position however honourable under it, and entered upon the canvass as a candidate for Governor in which you were successful. At the end of two years, you were a candidate for re-election and none of your friends more sincerely regretted your defeat than I did. Up to that time, the whole country saw and knew that you would not have accepted any position under the Federal Government if tendered to you. Since that time, the tender of a high position, which you state, and I knew, you would have declined to accept, could have been of no service, in giving you greater character or political standing that you already possessed. With this strong impression on my mind, and in its correctness I think I cannot be mistaken, such a tender as you speak of, was not made. You and I have been long intimate personal and political friends, and I should be sorely distressed if I had done any-thing which could injuriously affect, you in any possible way. Upon a calm review of this painful subject, I think you must on reflection be satisfied, that you attribute too much consequence to what those who are uninformed on the subject may say.

In regard to a connection with a newspaper at Washington, I scarcely thought you serious, and it made so little impression on my mind that I had forgotten it, until it was called to mind by your letter. It would have been a position, far below your merits and wholly incompatable, with your character and the high public stations you had filled.

The extreme abuse that I have seen of the officers of the “Pension office” in granting the warrants of volunteers in the late Mexican war has induced me to address you. Twice have I been in Washington where my men presented claims and they were allowed.

In more than fifty instances through agent I have known them to wait for weeks and weeks under expence; and then to be compelled to sell the[m]2

As in my letter to Your Excellency these things should not be, and I am so fully convinced of Your Excellency’s heart on that point that a mere attention to it is all that is necessay.

It would have been a pleasure to me to have met you at “The springs,” but that pleasure which I anticipated I have to forgo.

Perhaps I am going too far, but may I particularly ask you, in your sojourn at Andersons not to forget my kind War friends, Gen’l Bowman & Messrs Chew, Tate &c &c.

After my long confinement, and arduous duties, at Washington, I felt at the close of the late session of Congress, that I required some relaxation from business, and resolved to spend a few days at this place. It has so happened that ever since the commencement of my administration, some important public question has been pending, requiring my constant attention, and I have not been absent a month, from the seat of Government, during that whole period. The closing days of Congress were of an important and highly exciting character. I rejoice that a Territorial Government, has at length been provided for Oregon, but deeply regret that the delicate and agitating question concerning slavery, could not have been settled by Congress, upon principles of conciliation and compromise, and Territorial Governments have been established also, over New Mexico and California. In view of the excitement which existed, threatening to array the country into geographical parties, which could not fail to destroy the harmony, and might prove dangerous to the existence of the Union, I felt it to be my duty, to accompany the Announcement of my approval and signature of the Oregon Bill, with the message which you have seen. That message, at the same time, that it expresses my well-considered convictions, it was hoped would tend to allay the excitement in the different sections of the Union. Time will decide whether it will have this effect. I was strongly urged to with-hold my sanction from the Oregon Bill. A Southern convention I was informed was openly spoken of by members of Congress. I gave my approval to the Bill, and protested against such a convention, as calculated to do no possible good, but on the contrary to widen the breach between the North and the South, upon a question which I believed and still believe, ought to have been, & can yet be, settled by a satisfactory compromise. I trust the message may do no harm, and hope it may do good. Since its appearance I have heard nothing further of the projet of a Southern convention. It cannot I think be doubted, that some of the leading men of the Whig party, North and South, preferred to have no settlement of the slavery question, at the late session, but desired to keep it an open question, with a view to political agitation, calculating upon its effect in the Presidential Election. The establishment of a Territorial Government over Oregon, has deprived them to that extent, of the wicked use, which they may have designed to make of so delicate & dangerous a question.

I think I may safely congratulate you, upon the almost certain prospect of your election. Should the excitement in the South, upon the slavery question be allayed, by the prospect, that in organizing Territorial Governments, in New Mexico and California, it will ultimately be settled by compromise, I think that result is certain. Indeed the present prospect is, that you may receive the support of every Southern State, except Kentucky. I need not assure you, that I shall be most happy, if, at the close of my term I can surrender the Government into your hands. In that event the great principles embodied in the Baltimore Resolutions of 1844, and 1848, which I have endeavoured faithfully to maintain, will be carried out. Since I have been here I have seen several of our leading and best informed political friends, who assure me that the defection of the Barnburners in New York, and the nominations made at Buffalo, will produce not the slightest effect upon the Democracy of this state, and that your majority will probably exceed that given to Governor Shunk at the last state election. My information from Tennessee is highly encouraging. Governor Brown and others have taken the stump, are actively canvassing the State, and are confident of success. I shall return to Washington on tomorrow, where I shall be pleased to hear from you.

With my kind regards, to Mrs. Cass— . . . .