Correspondence of JAMES K. POLK
Although some considerable time has elapsed since my last communication,1 still, believe me, my thoughts have not been far away from my heart felt desires for your health and happiness; and that God would grant you his protecting care, and wisdom to discharge your arduous duties to the end, satisfactorily to himself, and hence, for the best interest of our common country. And I will take occasion here to remark, that after carefully watching and criticising every inch of your administration, I have seen nothing whereof to object; unless perhaps, the late Oregon Bill. Had I been in your place, I think I should have vetoed that; but still I am not so clear that I should have acted more wisely, all circumstances considered, than yourself in signing it.
In the little pamphlet “a comparison of slavery with abolition,” a copy of which I sent you, the rights of the South I think are fairly vindicated; and the only means of maintaining them clearly and distinctly pointed out.2 As soon as the Presidential election is over I hope they will organise, carefully examine their rights, and cooly determine to maintain them at all hazards. Not another moment is to be lost; and if they will unite to a man and go energetically to work and persevere to the end, they will get every amendment to the Constitution pointed out in the little pamphlet; and moreover, secure their share of the newly acquired territory. But if they will postpone and postpone, waiting for a more favorable opportunity, all is lost; and themselves and their posterity enslaved to the north, “whose tender mercies are cruelty!” Onward is the word. The little pamphlet, before alluded to, cost me a great deal of labour to collect the authority and condense it in its present form, and still making it lucid and conclusive. As soon as they were published I ordered three hundred sent to Congress for the use of each house, where they arrived about a week before the adjournment, and if I am correctly informed, created quite a sensation. Indeed I never knew any thing of the kind to receive so many extravagant compliments, and it is quite amusing to hear them gessing at the author. All agree however, that it is one of the best things they ever saw, and unanswerable; and ought to be put into every house in the United States—that the people want light upon this all important subject; and here they have it in a shape they can comprehend; and once in possession there would be no danger of a dissolution of the Union nor a violation of the rights of the South; on the contrary, there would be peace quietness and brotherly affection the whole length and breadth of the country. But as it is, they never hear but one side of the subject, and that from designing demagogues and political priests, and hence it need not be wondered at if they are led blindfolded to their own destruction and that of their country. If they are ever furnished with the necessary light it will be by Congress; and that they could not dispose of the peoples money more to their advantage than to appropriate a sufficient amount to put one of the little pamphlets into every house, and much more in accordance with their duty than taking their money to buy books for themselves. These remarks and the like of these I have heard repeated over and over, and I fully concur.
Now allow me to ask, would it not be a good thing to mention in your next annual message, and especially as it will be your valedictory, this great subject, that it is dividing our country, and growing stronger and stronger every year, and must, if not arrested, sooner or later, deluge it in fraternal blood? and then speak of the little pamphlet as you think its merits require and recommend Congress to order a sufficient number to put one into the hands of every voter in the US.
I ordered but a thousand copies published, five hundred of these I have given away including those sent to Congress and I have allowed the publisher to sell the remainder at not less than ten cents a copy. But I think they could furnish to Congress by the quantity at not over 6 1/4 cents a small amount to bestow upon each voter out of his own money, and that too when there is so much at stake.
I have authorised my friend A. Lane Esq., at the Tontine New Haven, Ct. to make any arrangement in relation to them he may think proper. And through him I should be very hapy to receive a line from you if you feel inclined to write.
This Van Buren abolition party flatter themselves that they are agoing to carry every thing by storm; but instead of injuring the South, and the Democratic party as the Whigs were in hopes of, the probability is they will destroy the latter and secure the election of Mr. Cass. The Whigs are exceedingly troubled just now! But should they after defeat go over to the Buffalo party, as some suppose, and form a great Northern party against the south, there is no knowing what the consequences may be. Give the people light, and they have in a nutshel in the little pamphlet, and there is no danger.
AL. DLC–JKP. Addressed to Washington City.
- Lane to Polk, August 3, 1847.↩
- Enclosure or separate mailing not found. Lane refers to a pamphlet that he wrote, like this letter, under the pseudonym “Amor Patriæ”: A Comparison of Slavery with Abolitionism; Together with Reflections Deduced from the Premises, Touching the Several Interests of the United States (New York, 1848). Composed as a letter to Lyman Beecher, the antislavery president of Lane Theological Seminary, Walnut Hills, Ohio, the pamphlet quotes the Bible to establish God’s approval of slavery and asserts that the institution benefits not only Southern slaveholders but also Northern manufacturers and slaves themselves. Alluding to the Wilmot Proviso, Lane warns that the discussion of abolition in Congress may cause “blood [to] be shed” there and “through the length and breadth of the land.” He predicts that Southern members of Congress will demand a constitutional amendment (1) increasing slave states’ congressional representation by counting their full enslaved populations; (2) defining interference “with the domestic concerns of any other State, and especially with the institution of Slavery,” as “treason”; and (3) “guarantee[ing] to the South the peaceable possession of their property” by providing federal reimbursement for unreturned fugitive slaves. The amendment’s failure, according to Lane, would lead to the secession of every state outside of New England.↩